History of Pimicikamak

The History of the Pimicikamak People to the Treaty Five Period, from Documentary Sources
(revised edition)

Anne Lindsay
Jennifer S.H. Brown

The Centre for Rupert’s Land Studies at
The University of Winnipeg
© 2010

All rights reserved by The Centre for Rupert’s Land Studies at The University of Winnipeg
ISBN: 978-0-9813008-0-1
Table of Contents:
Preface i
Acknowledgements iv
Abbreviations used in this report v
I. Pre-Contact Period 1
II. Early Contact Period 8
III. The Move to Local Inland Trading Posts 18
IV. Social Organization and Land Use during the Fur Trade Period 25
V. Treaty Five 51
VI. Conclusions 73
VII. References 78
VIII. Appendices
Appendix A: Maps
Appendix B: Transcriptions excerpted from HBCA B.268/a/1, [Cross Lake] Post Journal, [author unidentified], 1795-1796.
Appendix C: Transcriptions excerpted from HBCA B.228/a/1, Wegg’s House
Post Journal, 1795-1796, by William Sinclair.
Appendix D: Transcriptions from Library and Archives Canada, Masson Collection, Journals, “Journal for 1805 & 6, Cross Lake by an unidentified wintering partner.” MG 19, C1, vol. 9.
Appendix E: Excerpts from Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Peter Fidler,
Journals of Exploration and Survey
Appendix F: Excerpted Records of Baptisms from Wesleyan Methodist Register of Baptisms Norway House 1840-1889, “Baptisms Solemnized in the Wesleyan-
Methodist Chapel Rossville In the County of Norway House; from 1840 to 1889”.
Appendix G: Excerpted Records of Marriages from Wesleyan Missionary General
Register, 1840-1892, “Original Registers of Marriages, Rossville.”
Appendix H: Norway House Journal Transcriptions: Excerpted References to
Cross Lake and John Scott’s Lake
Appendix I: Norway House Journal Transcriptions: Excerpted References to
Tapastanum.
Appendix J: Treaty Annuity Paysheets, Cross Lake, 1875
Appendix K: Treaty Annuity Paysheets, Cross Lake, 1876
Appendix L: Treaty Annuity Paysheets, Cross Lake, 1877
Appendix M: Excerpts from Methodist Baptismal records [Rossville Mission]: People from Cross Lake and John Scott’s Lake Baptized June to September 1875, excerpted from United Church Archives, Winnipeg, Wesleyan Methodist Register of Baptisms Norway House, 1840-1849 and Treaty Annuity Pay List, Indian
Treaty Pay Sheet, Treaty No. 5, Cross Lake Band, Ta-pas-ta-num or Donald
William Sinclair Ross Chief, Letter J, Sept 25th 1875.

                                                                                                                                       ii

Preface:

In April of 2007, Dr. Colin Gillespie, of Taylor McCaffrey LLP, approached Dr. Jennifer S.H. Brown and the Centre for Rupert’s Land Studies to perform documentary research and create a report. The objective was to describe the history of the Pimicikamak people up to their entry into Treaty Five in 1875. Subsequently, Margaret Anne Lindsay was engaged to undertake secondary and primary source research, which she did during the months of April through July, accessing primary and secondary research material from a variety of printed and published sources as well as primary documents from Library and Archives Canada, The Archives of Manitoba, The Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, and the United Church Archives (Winnipeg). To facilitate primary research at the Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Sally Nystrom was engaged to read through specific fur trade journals.

Documentary research is by its nature, prone to privilege certain viewpoints of history over others, and is constrained by biases and limited knowledge of the observers whose remarks have been preserved on paper. As well, fur trade documents tend to privilege in their reporting interactions with people who traded at fur trade posts, and events that occurred within a short distance of those posts. It was therefore important to consider the limitations of these observers and to analyze their observations with care, rather than taking them at face value. In transcribing documentary material for this research, some spellings, grammar and vocabulary from older sources do not conform to modern usage.
Transcriptions in this report aim to be as close to the original documents as possible. Non-standard usages have not been indicated by the use of “sic” but have been left as found. Where a word is not discernable, or is difficult to determine from the original document, it has been included in a square bracket: “[word]”. Square brackets have also been used where information not found in the original text is interpolated into the transcription for the sake of clarity.

Wherever possible, original primary source documents were used in the production of this report. It was not, however, possible to gain access to all sources from original manuscripts as some material was too fragile to be handled, and Library and Archives Canada material had to be obtained through interlibrary loan. In these cases, every effort was made to be as accurate as possible and use the best copies of sources. Some original documents could not be copied, and so only their transcriptions are included in the appendices.

Based on this research, Margaret Anne Lindsay drafted the first version of the research report, Dr. Jennifer S.H. Brown reviewed the material for content and offered suggestions for further secondary research. These sources were consulted and included in the following draft of the report. Dr. Brown then reviewed the material again and her editorial remarks were incorporated in the next draft. At this point, Sally Nystrom was engaged to proof-read the report and its appendix transcriptions, which she did with help in proof reading the secondary sources from Margaret Anne Lindsay. The resulting proofread draft was submitted to Dr. Brown who made further editorial
recommendations, and these recommendations were incorporated into another draft. Finally, after further editing and consultation, this report was submitted to Taylor McCaffrey in the care of Dr. Colin Gillespie. The original report, having been prepared for a specific and private purpose, is unpublished. Several Pimicikamak citizens who read it, however, expressed strong interest in making the information widely available in published form. Accordingly, this volume represents the same subject matter in an accessible and readable narrative format. Its objective is to make the history of the Pimicikamak people better known and more widely understood, both in their own homeland and across Canada. It has been an honour and a privilege to be entrusted with this research. We have learned much and are grateful for the opportunity.

The History of the Pimicikamak People to the Treaty Five Period, from Documentary Sources Revised Edition

Acknowledgements

This report was made possible through the efforts and support of a number of key individuals and institutions. The Centre for Rupert’s Land Studies at The University of Winnipeg provided access to research material. Sally Nystrom read through all available Norway House and Jack
River Post journals from the late 1700s up to the time of treaty in 1875, making careful notes.
United Church Archivist Diane Haglund and her staff at the United Church Archives in Winnipeg helped in identifying, locating and bringing in journals and registers that were vital to this research. The staff at the Archives of Manitoba and the Hudson’s Bay Company Archives assisted in finding material, and went as far as to search through some collections to help track down documents. Library and Archives Canada staff assisted in identifying certain journals in their collections not listed in the Archivianet finding aids and searched for a map not found in their Finding Aids, and the University of Winnipeg Library Interloan staff made extra efforts in securing interloans of some material. Thanks are also due to the Manitoba Historical Society for allowing the reproduction of maps from their publications, and to Dr. Colin Gillespie for working to identify sources of maps, territory, and relevant material appearing in the maps appendix. Dr. Gillespie’s assistants, Shannon Reimer and Danièle Hutlet provided clerical support for the production of the document.

                                                                                                                                            iv

The History of the Pimicikamak People to the Treaty Five Period, from Documentary Sources Revised Edition

Abbreviations used in this report:
Archives of Manitoba: AM
Hudson’s Bay Company Archives: HBCA
Library and Archives Canada: LAC
United Church Archives (at the University of Winnipeg): UCA (Wpg.)

                                                                                                                                            v

I. Precontact Period


Centred north of present day Norway House, Manitoba, Pimicikamak traditional territory
is located on the northwestern Canadian Shield, in northern Manitoba. The Canadian
Shield covers about half of Canada, extending inland from the Hudson Bay Lowlands for
hundreds of miles. Despite the size of this area, the archaeological assemblages through
much of the Shield across both space and time are similar, giving evidence of deep
cultural continuity in the region. As archaeologist James Wright noted in 1981, “The
relatively close similarities of the archaeological assemblages throughout much of the

region…is undoubtedly the most striking single characteristic of Shield prehistory.”
Aboriginal occupation of the region began before 4000 B.C.E., according to Wright.

During the Initial Woodland period (about 1000 BCE to 1000 CE), within this shield region, the first pottery appeared. It had a distinctive form and Wright suggested that this style of pottery may have been adopted from more southern peoples. In the northwestern part of the Shield, a later complex called “Selkirk,” which also included a distinctive type of pottery, originated as early as about 800 C.E. This particular form of pottery continued into the time of first European contact in the 1600s. Several proto- and postcontact archaeological sites that contain both Selkirk cultural material and European goods are associated with the Cree.4 Selkirk pottery, which has a distinctive fabricimpressed surface, has been found as far north as South Indian Lake and west to Lake Îleà-la-Crosse (Saskatchewan), east to Northwestern Ontario, and as far as south as the Saskatchewan River. Radiocarbon dating of Manitoba and Ontario Selkirk pottery suggests a range of dates from 810 to 1620 C.E. Wright noted that “In every instance the historic documents indicate that these historic sites are attributable to the Cree.”

Based on modern studies, most scholars now agree that Cree people have been living in these regions a long time, certainly since before the fur trade period, and that earlier interpretations of a westerly migration of Cree people into the region were mistaken.
Anthropologist James G.E. Smith contended in 1981 that earlier interpretations of the Western Woods Cree as migrants from the east were incorrect. He claimed “that although the Swampy Cree were migrating during this [the fur trade] period, the Rocky and
Strongwoods Cree had been long present in the west: it was apparently merely the name Cree that was at this time extended westward to apply to these divisions.” In support of the the view that the Cree occupied the northwestern boreal forest before contact, and were not late migrants to the area, Smith cited Bacqueville de la Potherie and David Thompson as documentary sources that support archaeological evidence. David Meyer and Paul Thistle concur that throughout the Saskatchewan River valley region during the late precontact (Late Woodland) period, “Selkirk remains predominate… with the exception of the Grand Rapids region (just west of Lake Winnipeg), where Rainy River materials dominate.” In particular, they add that many sites in the Grand Rapids region have yielded Rainy River pottery. The consensus, then, supports the idea of a long Cree occupation in northern Manitoba, during which time Cree culture changed, adapted and developed. Wright contended that “Although changes through time and some spatial variations can be detected in the Selkirk assemblages, the development as a whole is characterized by a basic homogeneity.”

The central Subarctic Canadian Shield can be seen as what James V. Wright calls “a distinct culture area.” It exhibits linguistic, as well as material culture continuity of the people, who all belong to the Algonquian language family. One of these Algonquian languages is referred to in English as “Cree.” The term Cree has also been used for a long time to refer to the people who inhabit the boreal forest in Pimicikamak territory. In a more general sense, it refers to a range of peoples who share a related culture and language, although dialect variations occur within this broad category. As Robert Brightman wrote, it was “the name ‘Cree’ and not the people that initially migrated west, as traders successively applied it to the Cree-speaking Indians they encountered.” At the very least, Cree people were living west of Lake Winnipeg/Nelson River for hundreds of years before the European fur trade began in the area. The use of the term Cree and related words such as “Kiristinon” spread west with Europeans. 12 “Kristinon” variously spelled), was a term that was used by the French, beginning in the 1600s, who applied it to several groups south of James Bay. Pentland believes that the name “derives from the name of an obscure band of Indians who roamed the region south of James Bay in the first half of the seventeenth century.” As French traders moved west, the term, which linguist David Pentland identifies as possibly originally an Ojibwe term, was applied to many people the traders felt spoke a similar language. By the 1780s, Pentland notes that “English traders had adopted the shortened form Cree as a generic term.” As they moved inland, English speakers applied the term to “describe Cree speakers who lived throughout much of the subarctic and prairie regions of northern North America.” 14 Today the word “Cree,” Brightman notes, is used to describe a group of “culturally and linguistically related native people inhabiting the subarctic boreal forest from Quebec on the east to British Columbia on the west.” The name “Cree,” however, is an outsiders’ term, and not one of self-identification. As David Pentland notes, the “Cree” themselves use that term only when speaking with non-Aboriginal people.

The broader linguistic groups classified as “Cree” by non-Aboriginal speakers have their own terms of self-reference. Pentland states:
The Western Woods Cree usually refer to themselves as ne˙hiyawak (singular ne˙hiyaw, which becomes ni˙hiyaw, ni˙hδaw in the modern local dialects) ‘those who speak the same language’…. a derivative of ne˙hiyawew ˙w ‘he speaks our language, he speaks Cree’. The name is often taken to be a derivative of Inah- ‘proper, correct’, whence the translations ‘exact people’ …. and ‘precise speakers’ …. but the Ojibwa cognate ni˙ δinawe˙ ‘he speaks our language, he speaks Ojibwa’ shows that this interpretation is incorrect.
The Woods Cree form ne˙hiδaw (e˙w) appears as Nayhaythaways, 1690…Nahetheway, 1775 (miscopied with Nak-, Graham in Isham 1949:
311); Nahathaway, 1785 Thompson, 1962:12)….

The Western Woods Cree distinguished themselves from other Cree-speaking groups by the name saka˙wiyiniwak (Plains dialect), saka˙wiδiniwak (Woods dialect) ‘bush people’, recorded as Sackaweé-thin-yoowuc (Richardson in Franklin 1823:108) and Saka-wiyiniwok …. The name Cree and its variants
… are seldom used without modifiers to refer specifically to the Western Woods Cree; however, compounds with translations of saka˙wiyiniw are common: French Cristinaux du Bois fort… and Cris des Bois… English Strong Wood Crees… and Thick Wood Crees. ….

Classifications used by academics only partially coincide with the distinctions recognized by Crees themselves. Robert Brightman notes that the broad category of “Western Woods Cree” includes Swampy, Thickwoods, and Rock Cree all of whom speak different dialects. The Swampy Cree speak the n-dialect and live throughout not only the James
Bay/Hudson Bay lowlands, but also in more inland locations throughout Ontario, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan. They identify themselves as “Maskēkōwak ‘swamp people’, a name attested in “1700 by Bacqueville de La Potherie’s reference (1931:258) to the ‘Mashkegonhyrinis or Savannahs’ living on the Nelson River and perhaps by even earlier forms.” Thickwoods Crees use a variation of the y-dialect. The Thickwoods Cree today live in Saskatchewan, Alberta, and northwestern British Columbia. Their term for themselves is “Sakāw-iyiniwak, ‘thick woods people’, or, as attested in 1749 in French, “Christinaux du Bois fort.” As Brightman notes, divisions today are the result of a long history of complex interactions and decision making, and names can reflect more than one level of social organization. Because of this, it is difficult to relate names or social organizations in use today to documentary sources from centuries past. James G.E. Smith has made a similar point, noting that the ethnohistoric boundaries of these people do not correspond exactly with linguistic categories, and that in the post contact period, groups still seem to have moved a fair bit. Smith breaks the larger group of “Western
Woods Cree” down into three main divisions, “The Rocky Cree, the western Swampy
Cree, and Strongwoods or Bois Fort Cree.”

19
Smith. “Western Woods Cree,” 256.


II. Early Contact Period

Although the pre and post-contact people of the northwestern Shield country formed a continuous cultural group across space and through time, the advent of European trade did coincide with some movement and change. Some Cree people within and beyond the Shield changed their subsistence patterns and areas of residence during the early contact period, although current scholarship challenges earlier ideas of large scale territorial loss and abandonment. In the early contact period, people lived by a combination of traditional means, including fishing, hunting, and gathering, but the fur trade may have encouraged more dependence on fur bearing animals than previously. The fur trade made new material goods available to Aboriginal people, and even before direct contact with Europeans, people to the west and north of Lake Winnipeg had access to trade goods through exisiting trade networks. By the beginning of the 1700s, the
Hudson’s Bay Company was well established along Hudson Bay, and was, by the mid 1700s, beginning to explore inland trade. French traders moved west from Lake Superior, and by 1751, they were trading as far as the foothills of the Rocky Mountains. After the Treaty of Paris (1763) and the fall of New France, as Smith notes, “the west was opened to the ‘Montreal peddlers,’ whose partnerships were the antecedents of the North West
Company.” 21 This aggressive push to trade directly with Aboriginal groups led the
Hudson’s Bay Company to move inland to better compete with the Montreal traders, and Aboriginal groups were able to trade closer to home, while increased competition led to lower prices and greater variety in the European goods available for trade. Although the fur trade did undoubtedly bring changes to Aboriginal people, including the Cree, its effects have sometimes been overstated. Dale Russell notes that the biases of some European sources have led to an exaggerated view of “the dependency of the Cree on the fur trade.” Russell takes issue with the idea that fur trade dependency caused the Cree to move or to engage in heightened conflict with other groups. He notes that the exact level of Cree involvement in the fur trade is not easy to define. In fact, the numbers of trading canoes reported in documentary sources suggest that only a very limited number of Cree were directly involved in the fur trade.

During the 1700s and 1800s, the Western Woods Cree were organized along several social lines. The close or nuclear family was the most basic social unit, but a number of families could come together in summer for various social and economic activities as a seasonal band. These bands were generally known by the name of a local feature, often the lake or river area they occupied. Eighteenth century fur trader Andrew Graham noted that Aboriginal people along Hudson Bay “take their names from the lakes, rivers, or whatever kind of country they inhabit.” Groups often identified strongly with river basin drainages. The Cree in the Albany River drainage, for example, were known by the name “Albany River Indians, Kastechewan [Swift Current] Indians” from the Cree name for the Albany River. Sometimes smaller local groups also had specific names. For instance, along the Hayes River, the people were known as “Penesewichewan, or
Penesewichewan Sepee Indians, after the name of the lower section of the Hayes River.

At least by 1770, some of the Pimicikamak people, who were associated with the watershed around what is today referred to as “Cross Lake,” were trading at posts in Hudson Bay as an identifiable group. In the 1850s, using a 1770 list by HBC trader Thomas Hutchins, John Richardson listed the “tribes” trading into Hudson Bay. This list included the Pemmichi-ke-mè-u people, whom Richardson identified as from Cross Lake. Hudson’s Bay Company writer Andrew Graham noted this same group in his observations in 1775 and again in 1791. Graham identified the Pimicikamak as part of the “Keishkatchewan Nation.”28 This “Nation” lived in a large geographic area to the west and south of Hudson Bay, and was in fact, according to Lytwyn, really comprised of a large number of groups who had a common language.

Andrew Graham’s observations made in the 1770s suggest that the Cree in this period were expanding their territory. This was not a migration, however. In 1775, Graham wrote:
At the time the English first settled in Hudson’s Bay different tribes of this nation inhabited the country from the sea-coast up to the Lakes; but either to avoid Europeans, or in order to search for furs to barter, or because food grew scarce by the large numbers of animals destroyed for their furs and skins, one or more of these reasons has caused them gradually to retire farther inland, until they came amongst the buffalo, and they now extend from the head of Nelson River down to the Grand Portage which is at the west end of Lake Superior. But a remnant remained about the Factories…. This nation is very numerous and divided into many tribes. A very small portion come down to trade at York and Churchill settlements, and which are the only settlements visited by them. Since they have inhabited the buffalo country where provisions are so plentiful, they have neglected trapping and catching furs, but barter at a great advance a portion of the goods purchased at the Factories with the Archithinue and Asinepoet Indians. With these skins they come down annually to the settlements, and as only so small a number as two hundred small canoes undertake the voyage, the others who remain inland send their goods with any of their acquaintance. So that the loading of one canoe may be the property of several families, whereas were they all to exert themselves and come down, the trade would be immensely increased.

Dale Russell concludes that Cree people were probably living in northern Manitoba around the Nelson River and west of Hudson Bay at least fifty years before French western expansion in the mid seventeenth century.

Although Europeans established trade posts at Hudson Bay in the latter 1600s, early European attempts to describe the interior west of Hudson Bay depended heavily on hearsay, suggesting little or no direct European contact in those regions. As Dale Russell states: “Except for the three month journal kept by Henry Kelsey … during his journey in eastern Saskatchewan in the summer of 1691, there is no detailed first-hand account of the western interior until Anthony Henday’s journal written during his trip from York
Factory to central Alberta in 1754-1755.” Nicholas Jérémie, based near the later site of York Factory in the 1690s, attempted to describe the geography of the region west and south of Hudson Bay. His descriptions, unfortunately, are difficult to follow in detail, but it seems likely that he was trying to describe central and western Manitoba. Jérémie tried to send local Cree people to discover more information about the area inland, but a warring group prevented them from complying.

Beginning in the 1750s and 1760s, the Hudson’s Bay Company, which previously had kept to its posts on the Bay, found it could no longer depend on Aboriginal middlemen to bring fur traders to its posts. This marked the beginning of a change in both the fur trade in general, and contact between European traders and inland Aboriginal people in particular. Under increasing pressure from Montreal merchants who had begun to push farther west and north, travelling to Aboriginal people for their trade, the Company began to send some of its men inland. These early attempts were still not aimed at establishing inland posts, though, but rather at recruiting Aboriginal middlemen to trade at the Bay.
As geographer Richard Ruggles states, at first “the Company supported ‘peaceful penetration up-rivers’ with a policy of kindliness and peace-making by inland wintering servants. Company officials were convinced that the best defence against competition was to outfit extensive inland journeys to draw the Indians to the Bay.” In the vanguard of this movement were explorers and traders such as Anthony Henday, William Pink, Matthew Cocking, and Philip Turnor. Richard Ruggles states that “in eight seasons, from 1754 to 1762, six men made ten journeys inland…. most of them were headed beyond the Manitoba countryside into the plains or the Barren Grounds.” Historian
Scott Stephen notes Joseph Smith, Isaac Batt, Henry Pressick, Anthony Henday, John
Taylor, Joseph Waggoner, Louis Primeau, James Dearing, Edward Loutit and James
Allen, and William Pink all travelled inland in the mid eighteenth century. However, “European knowledge of inland regions was still slight. Hudson’s Bay Company traders were unfamiliar with the most major travel routes and depended heavily on Native guides.”

By 1772, Hudson’s Bay Company travellers were somewhat better informed. They focused their interest on the waterways that proved best for inland access. In 1934, J.B.
Tyrrell wrote about Matthew Cocking, who went inland in 1772-1773:
Cocking left York on June 27 and started inland by the route which had been used almost exclusively up to that time by the Indians coming and going from and to the Saskatchewan river in their small canoes….Fifty-three servants of the Company had also already gone inland from Hudson Bay, mostly by this route, so that it was fairly well known. Starting from York, this route was up Hayes river to the mouth of Hill river, thence westward up Fox river, and thence south-westward up Bigstone river to Deer lake, on to Cross lake, through it to its western end, up Minago river to its source, over a portage to one arm of Moose lake, across it and up Summerberry river to the
Saskatchewan.

This route was abandoned when larger freighter canoes were adopted, and was for the most part forgotten by Europeans. Even on waterways that continued to be used, traders attempting to reach their destinations before freeze-up travelled quickly along and seldom had extended contact with local people, particularly on the waterways between Hudson Bay and Lake Winnipeg. For example, as Barbara Belyea states, “[Matthew] Cocking’s companions travelled fast enough to make him wonder if he could keep up with them.”

While in the Pimicikamak region around present-day Cross Lake, Matthew Cocking recorded contact with only one person, and that person was alone:
[July 1772] 11. Saturday. This morning we discovered a poor Native seemingly at the point of death; his neighbours had left him behind, & we also did; paddled & carried the Canoes & Goods. Fish jumping in the Lake, but being cloudy we could not spear any; paddled about 12 miles in the river, which was very shoal: then entered Pimochickomow Lake.

  1. Sunday. We did not proceed; several men went a Moose hunting; but without success.
  2. Monday. We did not proceed; men went a hunting; they saw the tracks of several but killed none; Hungry times: A quarter of an Eagle, Gull or Duck is one persons Allowance pr day.

On 15 July, Cocking reported meeting with some Assiniboines travelling the same route: “At noon several Asinepoet Natives came up with us.

Similarly, Philip Turnor’s journal of his trip through the area made no mention of meeting local people, as in his journal entry for 16 June 1779, where he described only the geography:
…. at 4 ½ AM got underway and went NE 8 Miles and came to a river about
¼ Mile wide at enterance and very strong current went 1 Mile Et then 3 Miles SE in a part about 3 Mile wide and came to a fall about ¼ Mile long which was shot by all the Canoes, then entered the Cross Lake and went 5 Miles Et leaving the Lake about 4 Mile So and an opening No, then entered a Large river near ½ Mile wide and exceeding strong current, went 1 Mile SE, 4 Miles Et and 1 Mile So and came to the top of the Great Fall and carrying place… Latitude by Observation 53o 12’N0 …. Carried on the North side the fall ¼ Mile through a wood and put up on the lower side of the Carrg place at 3 PM

Anthony Henday and William Pink also travelled in quick time and met with no one in
the area.

The speed and focus of these trips inland are clearly reflected in the maps from the period. As Richard Ruggles notes, on maps created before 1731, “the representations of details of the interiors were either spurious or incipient in form.” Later maps produced in this period reflect a focus on tracing only the major waterways, and a dependence on
Aboriginal informants and guides. Until the late 1700s, direct European observation of Pimicikamak territory was very limited.

Like maps, written sources from the Hudson’s Bay Company suggest little prolonged direct contact with inland areas. Before 1754, they contain very little substance or detail about inland areas. In 1755, the Hudson’s Bay Company’s London Committee complained that their information on the Hayes and Nelson rivers was not derived from their traders’ own survey information, but rather was based on Aboriginal informants. The London Committee General Letter of 1755, stated, “Nelsons River on your said draught must be laid down from Indian information only, and how much that is to be depended on, we are Annually convinced, and doubtless so are you to[o].” Belyea commented, “The following year, the Committee’s response to Henday’s year inland was no more confident ‘…we apprehend Henday is not very expert in making Drafts with
Accuracy or keeping a just Reckoning of distances other than by Guess which may prove Erroneus.’”

Published and archival maps all show that the newcomers’ understandings of
Pimicikamak territory emerged gradually and tentatively, moving from the coast of Hudson Bay inland, and following along the major water routes. (See Appendix A for a summary of maps and the information and detail they reflect about the Pimicikamak region) From a non-Aboriginal perspective, areas beyond the main water routes through
46
47
48


III. The Move to Local Inland Trading Posts
During the late 1700s, in escalating efforts to beat out their competitors, both Hudson’s
Bay Company and Montreal-based fur traders pushed inland hoping to trade as close to
Aboriginal hunters as they could. Their activities brought the fur trade directly into
Pimicikamak territory, and by the 1790s North West Company, its rival the XY Company (until 1804), and other traders from Montreal were opposed by Hudson’s Bay Company traders in the region north of Lake Winnipeg. In 1798, HBC trader William Sinclair established a post at Oxford Lake, and although the Company abandoned a post at the mouth of the Gunisao River in the spring of 1799, it proposed to open another post at present day Gunisao Lake (then called Jack Lake) in the fall of the same year. In 1799 HBC trader James Halcro was put in charge of the outfit for Jack Lake, but was only able to get as far as present-day Molson Lake. The Nor’Westers at Cross Lake responded by sending eight men to build next to him. In 1801 William Sinclair sent men to establish
Jack Lake House, and the HBC traders returned in 1802-1803, showing that the Hudson’s
Bay Company was beginning “to look more seriously at the country east and north of
Lake Winnipeg as a fur trade district. William Sinclair was of the opinion that Island Lake should be the next location for a fur trade post.”50

Over time, various fur trader/ explorers, including Peter Fidler and David Thompson, building on information supplied by local Aboriginal people, contributed to European knowledge of the region, and maps from this period reflect a growing information base. (See Appendix A) Fidler surveyed the east coastline of Lake Winnipeg in 1808, but inland, especially to the east of the lake, the land was still unmapped. In 1814-15, Hudson’s Bay Company trader George Holdsworth reported a few details about the country and the principal rivers in the area. But his information was tentative; he could only estimate that “the Gunisao [River] descended from an area five days’ journey to the east, or a distance of sixty to seventy miles. At its source lay Jack Lake (present Gunisao Lake).” In the same year, James Sutherland was able to supply a little more geographic detail, stating:
Jack River Empties itself into the S.E. side of Play Green Lake opposite to the Island upon which Jack River House is situated. It has been navigated by large Canoes to its source at Jack Lake it is not above 50 or 60 yards wide and is said to be one continued rapid with but very few falls…. Jack Lake is a deep rocky Lake about 22 Miles long and 7 Wide it runs North & South along the Hight of Land…

David Thompson spent the winter of 1792-1793 at Sipiwesk Lake. J.B. Tyrrell, who published the first edited volume of Thompson’s Travels, summarized Thompson’s stay at Sipiwesk:
On September 5, 1792, [David Thompson] left York Factory with two canoes, descended Hayes river, rounded the point in Hudson Bay, and ascended the Nelson river, making a survey of the route as he went. On September 28 he reached Split lake, and on September 30 the “Saskatchewan River.” A little farther up stream William [Hemmings] Cook with one of the canoes turned up Grass river to Chatham House on Wintering lake, but Thompson with the other canoe kept on up the main stream, and on October 8 arrived at a rocky point on the west side of Sipiwesk lake, where he built a trading post. During the winter he took no less than twenty-eight lunar observations for longitude. However, this proved to be a poor place for either fish or game, and on several occasions he was obliged to go to Chatham House, which was only about thirty miles away, and seek provisions from his friend William Cook….In the following spring, when the river was clear of ice, he started from Seepaywisk House, and descended to the lower end of the lake, carried over Cross Portage…

In the latter 1700s and early 1800s, seasonal fur trade posts existed in the Cross Lake,
Setting Lake, and Sipiwesk Lake areas, as well as Jack River, and present-day Molson
Lake. Cross Lake journals exist for 1795-1796 (Hudson’s Bay Company) and 1805-1806
(North West Company). At Cross Lake in 1796, Hudson’s Bay Company trader James Tate was opposed by two Canadian houses with “16 Frenchmen,” and a journal has survived from Wegg’s House on Setting Lake for 1795-1796.

HBC journals for this period mentioned “French” [Canadian] traders in the area. These may have been people from the XY or North West Company, or perhaps a few independent traders. William Sinclair at Wegg’s House had “French” visitors in
September 1795
[7 September 1795] …at 4 PM two french men arrived at the house they were starving, the Indian that arrived yesterday set off to his relations

[9 September 1795] …sent two Indians a hunting, at 10 AM the two french [men] set off back again.

[28 September 1795] ….at 4 P.M. six french men arrived from the grand Portise with trading goods in one large Canoe at 6 P.M. they set off higher up the Country to winter being apprehensive of Starving at this place

[29 January 1796] … at 9 AM, sent four men to fetch deers meat and a few deer skins &c..sent Robt Garroch to french Indians to entice them to come to the house.

[25 May 1796] …. At 9 AM two french men came to the House from cross lake – to wait for one of there _ canoes that intends to come this way this spring

[27 May 1796] ….at 10 AM the two french men set off to cross lake

The Hudson’s Bay Company Cross Lake journalist for 1795-1796 also noted opposing traders when he wrote: “1795 Sept 11th Frideay….at A11 am 3 Canows of Canedians
Arived”

Traders occupied posts at Sipiwesk Lake off and on during the 1790s. On 20 July 1794 Joseph Colen ordered James Tate “to proceed to Seepewisk Settlement…. [and see] to the removal of the goods to the Cross Lake where …to build a House” The Jack Lake journals for 1796-1797 and 1798-1799 recorded trading activity in the area:
[Aug. 15, 1796]…one man left here which arrived from the Cross Lake

[Sept. 23, 1798]…. Hugh Sabbeston returnd after following the Canadians thro the Cross river leading to Cross Lake and Informs us they are going to Settle There and at the three Points or Nistowyo

[Nov. 5, 1798]…. 2 Men Arrived from Mr McKays at Cross Lake with 2
Chests that they Left a Little below this house When on their Passage to the Cross Lake to Take Care of till he Comes this way in the Spring…

Despite increased direct trade, knowledge of the inland regions of the northwest
Canadian Shield country remained poor. As Lytwyn noted, “the council of senior officers at Albany [in ca. 1801-03] were even unsure of the geographical situation of their own trading posts in the Lake Sanderson District.”

In 1805-1806, the Nor’Wester (possibly William McKay) who wintered at Cross Lake mentioned in his journal a Hudson’s Bay Company post already at Sipiwesk. At the end of his journal, the trader specifically mentioned that Hudson’s Bay employee Laughton Leith was trading there. Peter Fidler mentioned Leith’s House and included its location on his map of the area in 1809. David Thompson’s map of 1794 also shows a post in the area.

On his way from Cross Lake to Sipiwesk, the North West Company’s 1805-1806 Cross Lake journalist wrote: [1805 September] “Thursday 19…. I went off without guide or any one that [k]now thi[s] way excepting that I had past onc’d 12 yrs ago, we Came down to the 3d Portage from Cross Lake that day” The same journalist mentioned that he had been in the area some years previous: “[1805 September] “Sunday 22d …. we set off and went to a place where I wintered Some years ago and found more fresh Tracks lookd about all that day but found none_”

In 1809, Peter Fidler mentioned a place where Hugh Sabbeston wintered in 1806, and noted 20 canoes of Indians who traded with “Laughlan Leigh [Laughton Leith]” (at
Sipiwesk). Fidler’s map of the area showed “Leigh’s” [Leith’s] house on Sipiwesk Lake.
Fidler indicated that Leith and two men were remaining at his house, and that John
McNab Jr wintered at Cross Lake [1808-1809] Fidler also noted that the “French” [Montreal traders] had wintered at Sipiwesk Lake two years previous; that is about 1806-

  1. The trade of the region declined in the early 1800s, and fur trade posts were closed or moved out of the Pimicikamak territory. According to James Sutherland, by 1815, the only Hudson’s Bay Company-operated posts left in the district were at Jack River and
    Berens River, and the Canadian traders had left the region:
    No Canadians at Present occupy any part within the district, they have had many establishments in several parts of it, but about eight Years ago they abandoned the Whole, as they considered it a ruined Country, having made considerable losses for the last years they occupied it.

When the smaller XY Company was absorbed by the North West Company, William
McKay remained in the area in charge of the North West Company’s Lac Ouinipique Department. In 1805 he wintered at Cross Lake, in charge of eighty-five men in 13 canoes, trading from at least eight posts. In 1815, the only Hudson’s Bay Company post in the area north of Lake Winnipeg was at Jack River (near present-day Norway House), “on a small Island in the south east side of Play Green opposite the mouth of Jack River about 20 Miles from the outlet of Lake Winepeg.” It appears that no new posts were season.  


IV. Social Organization and Land Use during the Fur Trade Period

During the late 1700s and early 1800s, fur trade journals from the Pimicikamak territory detailed the interactions between Aboriginal people who chose to engage in the fur trade and the traders who operated inland trading posts. Most transactions occurred at the posts. These visits tended to be brief and involved only a few members of a group or family. A few visits of longer duration involved most or all of a family and the giving of gifts, suggesting that some traders may have developed kinship ties in keeping with Cree cultural practices. Traders did also occasionally travel to tents, sometimes at the request of Aboriginal people, and a few wintered with a trading group, also reflecting adaptation to local practices and mirroring the Canadian traders’ practice of trading en derouine. The North West Company journal (1805-1806) has the largest number of references to travelling to the local people without being specifically invited to come, but Hudson’s Bay Company journals also show a few instances when traders went, when invited, to the camps of Aboriginal hunters to trade.

In 1795-96 Hudson’s Bay Company trader William Sinclair recorded the trade at Wegg’s House (to the north and west of Cross Lake). Typical of many fur trade journal accounts of such transactions the following entries show the brief and purposeful nature of these interactions:
October 9 Friday …the Indians that took debt yesterday set off to there famalies…

October 18 Sunday…the Indians that came yesterday took up Debt

October 19 Monday… at 8 AM the Indians set off to their famalies…

[1796] April 27 Wednesday….at ½ 6 AM the Indian set of to his tent at 10 A.M. three Indians came to the house with 60 beaver skins and three beaver coats, gave them all coats, the, above three Indians hast not traded at any of your, Honors Settlements these many years, which makes me be at great expenses with them

April 28 Thursday….the Indians that came yesterday set off to there famalies, I have received from the above Indians 200 MBr this winter

And the Hudson’s Bay Company Cross Lake journal recorded similar activities the same year:
[1796] Janury 24th Sundeay …. At 8 pm on Indian Arived browght 6 baver 100 lb of gren Mauus flessh

Janury 25th Mondeay….at 6 am I set of with the Indian that arrived yesterday and waked till 9 pm then Arived at the Tent and Marked 3 baver cotes also Traded 7 beaver Also 2 Caneadians Arived at 3 pm returned

Janury 26th Tusdeay….at 7 pm I arrived at the House

The North West Company journal for 1805-1806 recorded much the same sort of descriptions, as in 1805 when the journal noted
[October] Sunday 13…2 Young Men Came and brought 3 Beaver 50 M rats I given them 2 Gal Rum and amunition for them and Sent some Tobacco to the others &c

For many Cree people, much of the year could be taken up with activities not directly related to the fur trade. In summertime, Cree families gathered into larger bands for several months. Summer settlements tended to be located at lakes where fish, game, and berries were available to support the larger group. During this time, as families joined each other, socializing included the “reinforcement of social ties, realignment of families, and planning for the winter dispersal.”

As resources began to dwindle and the weather turned colder, larger regional groups broke into smaller local bands anxious to reach wintering territories while the water was still open. Until freeze-up occurred, movement was limited. In the early winter, hunting was an important activity. In the coldest period, however, even local travel was difficult. The long winter nights were times for storytelling. When the weather improved, hunting and trapping took up the people’s time. During breakup in the spring, travel was limited, but once the waterways opened, people returned to their summer camping sites. It was at this time that some people travelled to trading posts, including those on Hudson Bay. These people might trade their own goods, or act on behalf of others who did not travel to the posts. By the late 1700s, more inland trading opportunities arose with the movement of European traders inland, so that people did not have to make the long and possibly dangerous trip to Hudson Bay if they wanted to trade.

The annual rhythm of the trading posts corresponded closely to the Cree annual cycle. Summer settlements usually involved the same families meeting at the same sites, year after year. As Brightman states:
In the aggregate, these families probably composed named regional bands identified with particular rivers or lakes and habitually exploiting the environing territories. Graham (1969 [1767-1791]:171) wrote that the Crees remained around lakes and rivers in the summer subsisting on fish, caribou, and buffalo, “but in winter they move about continually to where provisions are to be had, seldom abiding a fortnight in one place.” Thompson (1962 [1784-1812]:79), however, contrasted the Crees who were “scattered by three or four families over a wide extent of forest” with other Indians who sometimes assembled for two or three months, suggesting more mobility and residential dispersal in summer than is usually presumed.

An example from the 1805-1806 North West Company Cross Lake journal demonstrates the relationship between the seasonal activities of the the local people and European fur traders. The following excerpts are illustrative (for a transcription of the journal, see
Appendix D).
[1805 September] Friday 20…we set off and mad out to Come to the nixt Lake when I found awouned goose which I killd & found that hi had not been long wouned we campt that night at the enterence of the Lake of Cepiwisk_

Saturday 21… we set [off] and found where 2 men had been hunting not long before, we Coasted along till [folio 6] we Came to the old forts where we
Campt that night fired Guns &c &c

Sunday 22d …We Set off and went to a place where I wintered Some years ago and found more fresh Tracks lookd about all that day but found none_

Sunday 22d …on our way down towards the long Portage I heared agun we fired and was answered by the Indians _ we found 2 Lodges, say 13 Men that was waiting for the English I given them 2 Large kegs Rum and Cloth-ed the Chiefs and all their Children & prevailed on them to Come up and winter with me at Cross Lak or duck Lake

Tuesday 24… about midday I got thim off we past by the English House where the Indians put Marks for the English that they mite find them on their arrivall _ I sent thim all off & [folio 7] remained behind for we was only 2 men in the [large] Canoe all this day as I was obliged to put the men in the Indian Canoes to get them on as the one half of them was drunk _ after they were all gone I Turned all their marks quite the other way _ and did not tutch any thing in the House for if I had they would know that some of our people had been that way I got that night neir out of the Lak for I made all hast possible to get them out of the way

Sunday 29… I wanted to know where they wished to winter they [folio 9] they told me that one Lodge woud winter in Cross Lake, and that the other wished to winter in duck Lake and if I woud Sen aCanoe with them that they woud give me all their trade I told them that I woud and that I woud go and build the house at Duck Lake and have people there, and Come back and winter heare myself which they were verry well pleased at &c.

[October] Sunday 13…2 Young Men Came and brought 3 Beaver 50 M rats I given thim 2 Gall Rum and ammunition for thim and Sent Some Tobacco to the others &c

[November] Friday 15…Too Indians arrived and brought 5 Beavers 3 Mink
& 44 M rats for which I given them Strauds and 2 Gal Keg Rum & Tobacco

[December] Sunday 1st December …we Set our Nets under the Ice we got good many fish Nothing New the Cold is Set in So that I’ll keep an account of the Cold [thermometric readings recorded left margin, are not transcribed here. These run in the pages following as well]

Sunday 8…2 Indians Came and brought afew Skins and want 2 Men to go and get what the other Indians had &c

Munday 9…I sent 2 men with the Indians Nothing more that day

…Tuesday 10The men that went for the Skins Came back and brought 100 M rats and 3 Minks 1 Otter and told me the Indians were going to Pine River to hunt &c

Wednesday 11…I sent off 2 men with the Indians to mark the roade So that I
[caud] Sen whom I pleased to their Lodges in the Winter &c

[1806 February] Wednesday 19…a man Came from DLake and informed me that their Indians had been in but made but Verry poor [folio 30] hunt and that they were all Starveing and had fel in with the only one Indian the English had just dieing with hunger So much reduced that he Coud Not Walk, he or any one in the lodge

[March] Tuesday 4… I got the Indians off by Sending men with them to haul fish, lookly them and us that we had plenty _ &c

[May] Sunday 4…2 Indians Came and brt a few Skins & 6 Geese I killd 3 Ditto

Wednesday 21 …[I Set of to go to Pike River to make the Packs and Settle] with the Indians and Sen off The Canoes _ & I got hurt in Saving of the Canoes from upsetting &c &c

Thursday 22 …in the Morning I arived where the people and Indians of Pike River were I Settled with them and Sent them off _ and Came of my Self _ Came that Night to the last Portage _ &c with Lorin

Saturday 24…I set off for H.B. with 7 men and 3 Kegs Salt fish – which is all the provisions we had for that Voyage – we came that night to Wolfe River where I found all the Indians _ I given them 2 Kegs Rum and Clothed 3 of them _ &c

Sunday 25…remand with the Indians till 1 O’Clock AM in hoping to Speer
Some Sturgeon but got None _ but Set off on my way I met Mr Leith of the
H.B. Co [“Service” inserted] _ whom winterd at Sepewesk _ I got flints and
Shot from him which I wanted _ we Campt that Night about 7 Miles below
Sipiwisk at 7 [interleaved between lines: “to Set our net got 1 Sucor_”] O Clock PM _

In the Pimicikamak territory, as in the region generally, detailed cultural information for the early contact period is limited. According to Smith, both fur bearing and big game populations declined as local people and European traders both drew on the animals for food and fur. These pressures combined to encourage the movement of Cree hunters, including Swampy Cree and others onto the plains in the late 1700s and early 1800s.
Smith notes:
For example, at Norway House in 1815, the chief factor reported only 26
(Swampy) Cree families in his district, most having come from the York Factory district because of the poor game and fur supply. The former inhabitants of the Norway House district had left for the west to seek better hunting and trapping grounds …. At the same time, the factor at Swan River (west of Lake Winnipeg) reported that of the newly arrived Cree, some were hunting on the Plains with Saulteaux and Assiniboin, while others were hunting and trapping in the forest ….

Smith states that the presence of a similar y-dialect in both the Strongwoods and Plains Cree supports the idea that at least some of the Plains people had come from the Strongwoods Cree of northern Alberta and Saskatchewan.

controlled.

notes that:

83 Smith. “Western Woods Cree,”258-259, 264.
Lake Winnipeg, prior to the northwestward migration of the Northern Ojibway.

Upland Cree oral history supports Graham’s observations. Saukamappee, an elder whose family had moved from the territory around the confluence of the
Saskatchewan and Pasquia rivers, told David Thompson that his family had moved, pushed by people from east of Lake Winnipeg, from the Saskatchewan River drainage to an area west of the Eagle Hills in present-day Saskatchewan. At the same time, while some Crees were moving westward, others moved toward or within Pimicamak territory.

Documentary sources such as fur trade journals and reports can provide valuable insights. But because documentary information for the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries is based largely on the reports of fur traders, these sources tell mostly about those Natives who traded at the posts, possibly missing families and people who did not trade directly (or at all) with the Europeans. As well, traders may have been in the area only a short time, and so may not have understood complex social relationships and family structures. In 1815, James Sutherland, a newcomer to the district, showed little grasp of Cree patterns of movement when he stated in his Jack River [Norway House] District Report that:
This last year their were 26 families who traded at this post among them 34 men and lads capable of Hunting, but their numbers always vary as they wander from one district to another as their capricious fancy leads them. Part of these Indians are from the sea coast about York Factory and the others from the head waters of Severn River. The Original inhabitants of this place seem to have all emigrated to the Westward and within this few years back several families have left this place and gone to Swan River & Cumberland House. the poverty of the country for animals induces them to leave their native soil.87

Yet it is possible to trace some families who hunted in Pimicikamak territory and traded persistently at the Jack River/Norway House post over five decades, beginning twenty years before Sutherland’s statement. Raymond Shirritt-Beaumont states that:
Kee kee wa thinish was the first name on the list of hunters Sutherland attached to his 1815 [District] Report. Although Swampy Cree, he was not a member of the York Factory Home Guard in 1794, when his name was first mentioned in HBC correspondence. In the winter of 1794-1795, “Kekeekathinue and his followers” were in the vicinity of Cross Lake, apparently provisioning the HBC outpost there. However, by the following winter “KeKethine” had reportedly “drawn every Indian that he could to the Canadian House” of opposition trader, William McKay. In 1823, the NWC was gone, but Kee kee wa thinish was still living at Cross Lake, with a wife and son.88

The 1823 District Report for Norway House included a census of the Natives trading at the post along with their families, and also noted the hunting territories of each group. This record makes it possible to identify families who hunted in Pimicikamak territory. A comparison of those families specifically identified in 1823 as hunting at Cross Lake (the census also included Jack Lake, Jack River, Limestone Lake, and present day Molson
Lake, known then as “Little Winnipeg”) with those mentioned in censuses in the 1815

a boundary line, running from the Outlet of Lake Winepeg in a easterly direction to Jack Lake, from thence N.W. along the Height of land that divides the waters that fall into Hays River and that which falls into Nelson River, this height of land stretches with a curve along the painted stone carrying place, and from thence Westerly towards large Cross Lake where it disappears; from Cross Lake the boundary line will run in a Southerly direction and again fall upon Lake Winepeg.” HBCA, B.154/e/1, Jack River District Report, Jack River House 1 June 1815, James Sutherland, f.1.
87 HBCA, B.154/e/1, [District Report for Winnipeg District] Jack River House 1 June 1815 by James Sutherland, f. 5d.
88 Shirritt-Beaumont. “The Rossville Scandal, 1846,” 139-140.
Jack River District Report and various post journals and accounts for the years 1812 to
1827 indicates that a number of families persisted in the area over this period:
Cross Lake Families in Hudson’s Bay Company records, 1812-1827:

Source Date(s) Names
HBCA
B.154/d/1
JackRiver [Norway House]
Account Book folio 15 1812-1813 “West Winnipeg”

Keekeekuthinis “ [Keekeekuthinis] his wife
“ [Keekeekuthinis] his
daughter
Misakickaneb
HBCA
B.154/d/2b folios 53d-54
JackRiver [Norway House]
Account Book 1814-1815 1. Kekeckuthinisk

  1. Misakickaneb
  2. Musquash
  3. Pekeecan
    HBCA
    B.154/e/1
    Jack River Report
    James Sutherland Ke-kik-oo-ethinus
    Mis-a kik-aneb
    Pekican
    HBCA
    B.154/d/3b folio36d
    JackRiver [Norway House]
    Account Book 1816-1817 2. Keekeeckuthinisk
  4. Misakickaneb
  5. Musquash
  6. Do [Musquash] Wife
  7. Waccaiaccunagan
    HBCA
    B.154/d/5 folio 7d-8
    JackRiver [Norway House] 1817-1818 2. Keekickuthinisk
  8. Misakickaneb
  9. Musquash & Wife
  10. Waccaiaccoonagan
    Source Date(s) Names
    Account Book
    HBCA B.154/a/7
    Norway House-Post Journal
    By Mr. Jas Kirkness
    1818-1819 Keekeeckuthsisk [fo. 19d]
    Mistenesk [fo. 10d]
    Misakickaneb [fo. 14]
    Pekeecan [fo. 20]
    HBCA
    B.154/d/7
    folio 77d
    Norway House Account
    Book
    1818-1819 1. Musquash
  11. Keekeeckuthinisk
  12. Misakickaneb
  13. Pekeecan
  14. Waccaiaccoonaga

HBCA B.154/e/2
Norway House District Report
Joseph McGillivray
1822-1823
Folios 20-21

     Heads of Families   Women   Boys    Girls   Tribes  Hunting Grounds

8 [Kee kee wa thinish] Head of a Family 1 1 [Maskegon] Cross Lake
11 Musquash 1 1 2 [Maskegon] Cross Lake
12 [W]accain comagan 1 1 1 [Maskegon] [Cross Lake]
22 Peke kan Head of 2 1 Pelican Cross
a Family Lake
23 Miskika nib 1st son [Pake kan] 2 ″[3] 4 [Pelican] [Cross lake]

Source Date(s) Names
HBCA
B.154/d/26
1826-1827
Norway House Account
Book
folio 15 1826-1827 Pee Kee can
Mis keck a neb
Wai cai oh ca nagan
Mass skee e nish

The Indian Census for Norway House in 1838 showed “Miskeecunib” as a Head of Family, with 2 wives, 4 sons, and 3 daughters.91 In 1845, the Norway House post journal noted that on Saturday 31 May“Mis a kequenib and Tepastanum” (a noted spiritual leader who would later enter into treaty on behalf of the Pimicikamak people) “arrived with furs, from outward appearance chiefly Beaver we shall however see on Monday morning_”92 Shirritt-Beaumont notes that available sources suggest that Mis a kequenib’s first wife, whom he married around 1815, was a daughter of Kee kee wa thinish, while his second wife, who he entered into a relationship with around 1818 was a daughter of
Pekekan.”93 Documentary evidence, then, shows that this family already resided in the Cross Lake area in 1794, and persisted into the mid-nineteenth century.

daughter of Pekekan, and “Jane?” the daughter of Keekee wa thinish, thus linking the Cross Lake hunting families by marriage. (Raymond Morris Shirritt-Beaumont. “The Rossville Scandal, 1846,” 40, 139. ) Shirritt-Beaumont states “Keekee wa thinish had a son named “Nuay coo wayow,” one of whose wives was probably a daughter of Porcupine, who hunted at Limestone Lake southwest of Norway House. The other was Elizabeth Budd, whose father, “Uchegun” alias Curleyhead, apparently arrived in the area from York Factory in about 1811. Nuay coo wayow’s family was deeply involved in the religious changes at Norway House. His sons Adam Moody, who had been converted at Red River and “Boodjum” alias John Wesley, whose wife Flora was mentioned above, became leaders in the church.” Shirritt-Beaumont. “The Rossville Scandal,” [40?]. 91 HBCA B.239/z/10, York Factory Miscellaneous, 1838, [f. 84d.]. See also Appendix I for instances where these and related names occur in the Norway House journals.
92
HBCA B.154/a/43 Norway House Post Journal, 1844-1845, f. 30.
93 Raymond Morris Shirritt-Beaumont. “The Rossville Scandal,”139.

As in earlier times, family hunting groups were a fundamental social unit for Aboriginal people in the area. Documentary sources for the late 1700s and early 1800s provide some limited insight into local socio-political structure and leadership patterns, but their information is fragmentary, as outside observers seldom had a good grasp of the flexibility and seasonality of Western Woods Cree social organizations. The smallest social unit in wintertime might consist of a husband, wife, and children. It could also be a polygynous unit with a second wife (who was often the sister of the first wife), and a great man might have, perhaps, up to seven wives. The total household might consist of a lodge with 10 to 14 relatives, but in rare instances might have twice that number.

In the fall, in more moderate winter weather, and again in spring, local bands of from two to four or five families, numbering perhaps 10 to 30 people or even more would hunt and forage together. They were led, consensually, by a man whose experience, judgement, and proven spiritual powers were respected by the band members. If the qualifications of this okima˙w declined, he might be replaced, or the local band might disperse, as families joined other bands. In summer, local bands gathered on the shores of lakes and rivers where fisheries, hunting, and gathering could support their numbers, and where the open spaces along the shores allowed breezes to blow away the biting insects that plagued summer travel in the bush. These larger bands were led, again, by an okima˙w. Like local hunting bands, these regional bands varied in size, ranging up to a few hundred people. Their
numbers depended on environmental conditions, the power of the leader, and the adaptations.”

95 Smith. “Western Woods Cree,” 259.
96
97
98
Cree Elder Louis Bird describes the Omushkego or Swampy Cree leadership style as very different from what was understood by Europeans, or later imposed by the Department of Indian Affairs:
….I did get the information from the elders, how was the leadership elected long time ago. They did not have to practice democratic system, no. Do you know why? Because they never lived together. The Omushkegos always moved with four seasons, and always in the individual family. So democratic system wasn’t required in that time. The only thing that requires that kind of thing is whenever they get together in the short time in season, maybe a few days in some place where they meet, that’s where sometimes a leader is looked at. But the leader usually is an elder who knows about life, knows about the procedures about getting together, how to do things together, and temporary; people have someone to look at, someone to listen to what should be done. And they don’t have to vote, they don’t have to do anything at all, it just happened automatically, it is there by cultural practice that an elder or someone who is fully skilled in doing things become a leader. So that’s what it was; it was almost like in the wildlife. For example, for the herds of caribous in the mating season, there are females, there are males, so the strongest of the bulls happen to be lucky and serves the harem.…And that was exactly what happened to the Native people. People automatically know who is strong and who is healthy and who is wise; when something requires somebody to lead, it is always that person. You don’t have to vote, you don’t have to pull sticks or anything. It just happens automatically.

Sometimes only one person will mention that and then everybody would agree. That was a traditional system in selecting a leader. But the band council system which has been created by the Department of Indian Affairs, that did not apply. It never was in force to any members of the First Nations, those who still exercise their culture, living by the land. In Winisk area, the Winisk River system people, they move with the season, they only begin to settle in community by 1955. So they’d been using that old system, long time ago, until late 1970. That’s when they began to use voting.

The leaders of the winter hunting groups of the Swampy Cree did not hold coercive power over band membership or residence. Both families and individuals often moved between regional bands that were based in the different river basins. Victor Lytwyn cites the perceptive comments of two HBC officers in their respective district reports of 1815:
In his report on the York Factory district in 1815, Chief Factor William Hemmings Cook wrote, “there are no Chiefs or men of consequence among them, they assert no claim or prescriptive right to the country they inhabit. The best Hunter is the most independent and respectable man. He is looked up to as the father of the family, is permitted to regulate domestic concerns and determine the route they must take in their Hunting Excursions.” In the 1815 Severn House District Report, James Swain made similar observations about the lack of exclusive hunting territories among the Lowland Cree. “The Indians of this Country have not the smallest idea of exclusive rights to any particular hunting Grounds,” he noted, “but Travel about in these parts where there is the greatest probability of success.”

On the nature of Cree leadership, Lytwyn states that:
European observers were impressed by the lack of a rigid, hierarchical political order among the Indians. William Falconer wrote that “they are subject to no foreign power, neither have they any Monarch of their own, every man being sole Governor of his family,” and Andrew Graham remarked, “The father or head of a family owns no superior, obeys no command.” 101

Some scholars have concluded from such observations that the Lowland Cree and their neighbours lacked any sort of leadership before European contact. Lytwyn challenges this idea, suggesting that European records actually give evidence for a strongly developed leadership pattern among these groups at the time of earliest contact. European observers were in fact recording not a lack of leadership, but rather a lack of European-style leadership. Cree leadership was consultative and consensual. Individuals made their own decisions, although those decisions were made with respect for the opinions of others. Lytwyn quotes Zachariah Gillam, who led one of the earliest European expeditions to Charles Fort in eastern James Bay in 1668, on Cree governance: “As to their government, they have some chief men above ye rest, yet working as ye rest.”

Cree leaders led in areas where they had particular skill or power. A “trading captain” gathered the furs of others and spoke for his group in trading relationships. While European traders conferred the title, “Captain,” on certain men,and may have seen themselves as “creating” these positions, the captains could not function unless the groups that they represented acknowledged their roles and leadership in that domain. “Trading Captains,” the Hudson’s Bay Company hoped, would increase their trade by drawing in the business of their extended families. But their influence among their own band members was generally limited to the activities related to trade, including travel to the post, their conduct at the post, and the return trip after trading.

Traditional leaders, in contrast, were created by their own bands, according to Henry Ellis, because of “the Esteem which the People have for [them].” European observers such as Ellis sometimes described such leaders as “Captains of Rivers.” Ellis observed that a Captain of a River was “the leading Indian of the Indians about that River, or a Person whom the others consult in such Affairs as they think his Advice necessary in; and they will attend to what he at any Time may propose, as to going in Parties to Hunt, to War, or Trade.” While leadership was based on ability and related qualities, familial connections also played a role. Leadership roles commonly passed from senior to junior males within families along patrilineal lines. Traders perceived Captains of Rivers as
holding such power and influence that they often sought to cement relationships with them with gifts such as clothing, as when William Sinclair wrote from Wegg’s House in
1795-1796:
[1795] October 8 Thursday ….employed giving the Indians debt gave a few presents to some of the chiefs

[1796] April 12 Tuesday…. At 11 AM six Indians and therre famalies came to the house with 150 MBr and 10 pounds of Castorum &C, rig[ge]d two of the oldest Captains – and gave some of the young men coats as encouragement brandy tobacco &c.

May 28 Saturday…. At 2 PM 12 Canoes of Indians Arrived with 500 beaver and 20 pounds of Castorum_ rig,d two of the Oldest Indians and gave Coats to many of the children

And at Cross Lake a North West Company trader journalist wrote on 6 April
1796, “At 5 am the 2 men arived from the Indians browght 20 baver thes day I gave riging to A Chieef Leding Indian”

And a North West Company wintering partner, possibly the same man, wrote in 1805:

[1805 September] Munday 23d ….on our way down towards the long Portage
I heared agun we fired and was answered by the Indians _ we found 2 Lodges, say 13 Men that was waiting for the English I given them 2 Large kegs Rum and Cloth-ed the Chiefs and all their Children & prevailed on them to Come up and winter with me at Cross Lak or duck Lake

HBC traders writing in the Cumberland and Norway House districts, as in areas closer to Hudson Bay, also recorded a similar disparity between European and Cree ideas of leadership. The Cumberland House District Report for 1815 noted the Cree leaders lacked coercive power. Several “Chiefs” had “adherents” who traded at Cumberland
House, “but tho these old men assume the title of Chiefs they have no right to it as they have no controul over the young men whom they call their adherents. there is Thirty five Indians attached to these old men who trade with us at Cumberland.”

In 1815, fur trader James Sutherland described Cree leadership patterns in the Jack River District, which included Cross Lake on its northeastern boundary. Sutherland found that the advice of the “old men” was listened to “with attention.” However, the advice of these leaders was not coercive.
There are no chiefs here that has any influence over the rest, further than age may entitle them to, The opinion and advice of the old men are listened to with attention, but never put in practice by the hearers further than is advantageous or convenient for themselves.

In the 1823 Norway House District Report, Joseph McGillivray again emphasized the non-coercive nature of group membership and leadership in the area:
It is one of great difficulty to procure authentic information concerning Tribes, in an uncivilised State, and to discover their Characters under this rude form, detect the features by which they are distinguished, requires a person possessed of impartiality and penetration. Their political union is so deficient that people in this state must be regarded as independent agents than members of a regular community….

Their political union is destitute of concert or association – no distinctions can arise from the unequality of possessions – all are freemen, and assert with firmness the rights belonging to that Condition. They are unacquainted with control, and [do] not willingly submit to correction, under this view they may be considered as individuals not members of a Society. No Chief is acknowledged among them.

If blood is shed, or any insult committed, revenge is on the Spur, and the relatives of the injured or slain will avenge the Wrong – And it is seldom they will escape with impunity. Their resentments are implacable and everlasting.108

European traders, as they tried to make sense of a system foreign to them, produced reports that were at times inconsistent. While stating that the Swampy Cree lacked “leaders”, they identified certain people as “Chiefs” or “leading men,” and sought their favour with gifts and special treatment. And just as Cree leadership patterns challenged traders’ understandings, the role of women in Cree society was also unfamiliar to them. European observers found fault with what they perceived to be the women’s hard life, but seldom recognized the relative freedom and self-determination within their own spheres that they had when compared with European women. In 1815 in the Norway House region, James Sutherland noted: “The Indians are fond of their Children but treat their women more as menial servants than Companions and oblige them to do all the labarious duty. Hunting and fishing excepted and hunger often induces them to assist in the latter.” In 1823, Joseph McGillivray remarked on Cree men’s attitudes towards women: “The passion implanted in their natures are not ardent. They view their women with a Coldness bordering on indifference_, and the duties of Women are Severe. Yet when they have a progeny no people exceed them in tenderness and care.”

Yet the Cree distinguished themselves from the Chipewyan by rejecting what they considered the harsh treatment of women by their traditional enemies. Cree women also enjoyed a degree of autonomy that confounded European men who married Aboriginal women. Historian Sylvia Van Kirk states that European traders were at a loss to understand or fully explain Aboriginal women’s autonomy in their own spheres.
Observers noted women, despite what Van Kirk calls “the onerous burdens inflicted upon [them],” still held influence. Van Kirk attributes the apparent dichotomy to the division of labour needed to survive the seasonal lifestyle the people enjoyed.

Fur trade journals and accounts from the Pimicikamak territory reflect this sort of autonomy, showing women travelling to fur trade posts unescorted, and trading on their own behalf. Examples include remarks by William Sinclair in 1795-1796:
[1795] September 21 Monday …at 8 AM a Indian woman came to the house with three geese

[1796] Feby 22nd Monday….at 1 PM two Indian wemon [women] came to the house with 55 pounds of venison and six beaver Skins

[1796] March 8 Tuesday… at 6 AM two Indian wemon came to the house with 75 pounds of half dried Deers meat

[1796] March 9 Wednesday…. The Indian wemon set off to there tent

The North West Company wintering partner at Cross Lake noted in 1805-1806:

[1806 March] Saturday 8…I sent 2 men with fish to the Indians and Sent them ward [folio 32] word that if they coud not kill any thing to Sen their women for fish as I Coud not Spare the men &c

[1806 March] Thursday 20…3 women Came from the other Indians for fish they had killd Nothing but 5 minks_

[1806 April] Friday 11…The Indian women Came for fish & brought 4 Cats for which I given them 2 Gall [Rum inserted] &c Tab, &c114

And the Norway House Account books for 1812-1813 and 1816-1817 note accounts held by women including the wife and daughter of Keekeekuthinis in the trading year 1812 to
1813, and the wife of Musquash in 1816-1817.115

Until the mid-1800s, both men and women in Pimicikamak territory maintained considerable independence. The people focused their seasonal rounds on fishing, sometimes to the frustration of fur traders who would have preferred them to focus their efforts on winter fur-bearers. In his District Report for 1824, Colin Robertson described a people who were able to meet their own needs, and chose when, where and whether they would interact with the fur trade. Robertson’s report also articulated the family-based structure of interaction that the Cree preferred to enter into, and showed that fur traders, if they wanted to prosper, were compelled to adapt to Cree cultural expectations:
The frequent changes have been prejudicial to its Trade _ an Indians wants are few and if he has cause to be dissatisfied with the Individual in charge. he will clothe himself and family in Leathers, and simply kill a sufficient quantity [of Furs] to purchase a little _ Ammunition _ But on the contrary should he consider our House as a kind of home and our People a sort of Relatives, and that encouragement waits him should his conduct merit it. such will stimulate his Industry and call forth his exertions. _ It is an erroneous idea that an Indian is void of feeling, and good or bad treatment has no effect on the Returns of a Post. while you have no opposition to contend with as the produce of an Indians hunt never exceeds his wants. on the contrary I have known an Indian who was in the habit of killing from Fifty to Seventy made Beaver annually. take only ten Skins in Debt. and this trifling Debt he discharged in small Peltries. being indifferent to augment our Returns as we were to contribute to his comfort._116

Earlier, in 1815, James Sutherland had described the life of the local people. Sutherland’s report recorded the harsh winters the people were able to survive, and traditional subsistence strategies, notably fishing, that complemented rather than accommodated the fur trade:

115 HBCA B.154/d/1, Norway House Account Book, f. 15; and HBCA B.154/d/3b, Norway House Account Book f. 36d.

116 HBCA B.154/e/3, Norway House Report of District, 1823-1824 by Colin Robertson, f. 1.
The Condition of the Indians here is often miserable their means of
Subsistance being very precarious, and few of them able by their Hunts to to [sic] clothe themselves and family comfortably. It’s true in the summer season they think themselves happy in being able to endulge themselves in their ruling passion of Sloth and Idleness, their little clothing serves them, and they can with little labour paddle about collect eggs, kill young game & spear or angle fish in every Lake, then they might provide themselves with stocks of dried fish for the Winter but they are so very improvident that I never knew any of them make the attempt. The never think of winter untill its’s approach then it is frightful to them, Ill provided with clothing and leather to defend them from the severity of that season, they get dispirited and nothing rouzes them to exertion, but the cravings of hunger or a hope of being able to purchase spirituous Liquour. Their principal dependance for food in the winter is fish & when this fails them they are often reduced to scanty meals and sometimes to want for days. Some of the best Hunters do at times depend on the Hunting of animals, but from their prevailing scarcity they are often reduced to the Horrors of famine, and obliged to fly to the nearest fishing place where they can angle a fish to preserve life.

In 1823, Joseph McGillivray wrote in a similar vein:
…. They entirely depend upon the bounty of Nature for Subsistence, discover no Solicitude, and Scarcely excite any industry to secure what is necessary for their support.- They neither sow nor plant, and are entirely unacquainted with any species of cultivation. The prolific quality of the Rivers and Lakes where fish is so abundant is theire chief subsistence, and they exclusively depend on what the waters supply. Hunting animals appears not to be their employment, and as the former occupation requires so little exertion or activity where the demands of men are so few and moderate as to be gratified without trouble or any effort, indolence is rather encouraged – and is peculiarly characteristic of the Natives – accordingly the Provision for subsistence from habits of supineness often reduces them to great distress, and many instances could be pointed out where they have literally starved to death. Improvident to an excess their scanty Stock of Fish, which is obtained in the Fall, is soon exhausted He then roams from Lake to Lake and purchases a most precarious means of living. It would be a fallacious idea to imagine that Indians who are reduced to their extremities _ can direct their attention to Furs, he never bestows a thought on the Subject. Gentlemen who have wintered here may find the [Colouring] overcharged. I give what has fallen under my own observation without presuming to decide, for when an investigation is from its nature so intricate and obscure as to preclude the possibility of arriving at conclusions, there may be some satisfaction in pointing out such as are probable.….

A singular custom prevails, and which is peculiar to them alone, they will leave their Families on the borders of a lake or river in fishing _ Whilst the men from a desire of Eating Flesh, will sleep out five or six nights, and probably succeed in killing an animal. Thus their whole and undivided attentions are directed on subsistence _ The winter is the Season devoted to pleasure, and the few enjoyments possessed are gratified without restraint. An immoderate love of play predominates, and they have several games of hazard, not very complicated

In 1840, a Methodist mission station was opened at Norway House. Besides the fur trade, the arrival of missionaries represented another significant source for potential contact between Europeans and Aboriginal people in the region. There is little evidence, however, that many of the people residing at Cross Lake or “John Scott’s Lake” (Setting Lake) had much interaction with missionaries before the 1870s.119 Norway House
Methodist baptismal and marriage records date the first baptism of a person from Cross Lake to 1874. (See Appendices E and F for a transcription of baptisms and marriages from Methodist records that specifically mention Cross Lake or John Scott’s Lake). The first Methodist marriage of people identified as from John Scott’s Lake or Cross Lake was in 1863.

The relative lack of mission influence at Cross Lake is reflected in the fact that numerous men in that locale continued to have more than one wife for some time after the practice faded among other Crees. In the 1930s, anthropologist A. Irving Hallowell noted this persistence of polygynous marriages in the post-treaty Cross Lake population:
Polygyny is absent in all of the Cree groups with the exception of the bands at Cross Lake and Moose Lake. That this fact is connected with missionary efforts there is no reason to doubt. In 1840, with Norway House selected as the base of operations… the British Wesleyan Missionary Committee inaugurated the first attempt to Christianize the native Cree in the neighbourhood of northern Lake Winnipeg. …. Some of these Cree bands, then, had had missionaries in residence for as much as thirty-five years. The two bands mentioned were not among these, however, and despite their proximity to Norway House, the Cross Lake Cree are referred to by
Commissioner [Alexander] Morris at the time of the treaty as the “Wood or Pagan Indians of Cross Lake.”122

Fur trade activity in the area after the late 1700s was also limited. For the most part, from the early 1800s until the early 1860s, Hudson’s Bay Company traders made only brief trips to the area around Cross Lake, visiting specific hunting groups to collect furs. The Hudson’s Bay Company’s presence at Cross Lake increased somewhat in the early 1860s. The Hudson’s Bay Company staff at Norway House undertook a number of trips to Cross Lake, and a journal entry in November 1862 suggests that some sort of post
124
V. Treaty Five
In 1869, the HBC sold its interest in its charter over the territory of Rupert’s Land to Great Britain, which then transferred the region to the new dominion of Canada. Following the transfer, the federal government quickly began entering into treaties with local Aboriginal bands, in an effort to extinguish Aboriginal title. Treaties One and Two were negotiated in 1871, and Treaty Three in 1873. The Honourable Alexander Morris, Lieutenant Governor of Manitoba and the North West Territories, initially showed no interest in treating for the land north of Lake Winnipeg. According to historical geographer Frank Tough, Morris saw no need for a treaty in that area at the time, as the land was not suited to agriculture. Tough notes, however, that, prompted by some difficulty in defining the northern boundaries of Treaties One and Two (which could, of themselves, have been addressed with negotiations with the people at Berens River and Island Lake), and the arrival of Icelandic immigrants interested in settling on the western shores of Lake Winnipeg, Morris had reversed himself by 1874.

The 1870s brought many unsettling changes for Aboriginal people, including those in the Norway House area, and for the fur traders and missionaries with whom they were associated. Changes in transportation meant that people who had depended on the Hudson’s Bay Company for employment for at least part of their subsistence were congregating at Norway House. With few options to support themselves and their families, and the continued pressure on the land, the Crees found that local animal populations were pressed beyond the limit to support so many people, adding to the unease.

In the summer of 1873, Church of England Church Missionary Society minister James Settee arrived at Norway House hoping to establish a mission in the Split Lake region. Settee had been born in the Split Lake area, and was related to the “Nelson Indians” as he described them in his letters.126 This group included Tapastanum and his relatives, who hunted in the area around John Scott’s Lake (Setting Lake, Nett Lake).127 Settee’s interaction with the local people demonstrates the control they excercised on matters relating to the area. Settee stated in a letter from Norway House to Archdeacon Cowley, dated August 21st 1873, that the Nelson Indians had agreed to support a church, had wanted the church to be built “above Split Lake where the Nelson Indians have fixed upon” and that Tapastanum, “the head conjurer of the Nelson River,” would travel with him to determine the place where the church should be established.128

The mission was short lived, however. In Settee’s Annual Letter of 1874, he told the
Church Missionary Society that, although the mission seemed to be going well, the
Nelson River elders, returning with their hunting groups at Christmas time, met to tell

126 Annual Letter, James Settee, Sr,. to Mr Fenn, Church Missionary Society (CMS) Microfilm Reel A101, November 30th 1874, Folio 29ff.
127 The local name for the lake was Pukatawagan, or “Net Setting Lake.” There was another lake by that same name that retains the name “Pukatawagan” today, but it is not the same lake. See Methodist Baptisms, Tapastanum and his family were noted as from “John Scott’s Lake in these records, although
Ruttan, in his letter describes them as from “Split Lake” in his published letter. Ruttan may have used Split
Lake in his letter as a larger and therefore better known lake in the area. See HBCA Biographies: Scott,
John, and HBCA Post Histories: Split Lake. The Split Lake Post was closed at this time. See also James Vidal Dillabough, Transportation in Manitoba. Winnipeg: Manitoba Economic Survey Board, 1938, 127. Lewis G. Thomas, “Settee, James”. Dictionary of Canadian Biography online:
http://www.biographi.ca/index-e.html.
128 st
James Settee Sr. to Cowley, Norway House August 21 1873, Church Missionary Society Reel A100, f 79 ff.
him they had decided that, considering local conditions and opportunities, they would prefer to have a mission farther south where there were better options for employment and farming. Settee took a petition to Lieutenant Governor Morris on behalf of the
“Nelson Indians” and those around Norway House. The petition asked for a grant of land “either in this province or in Saskatchewan to make it a home for themselves and families.” Settee went on to say that “on my arrival I presented the Petition, the Governor received very graciously, he said, the Petition would receive every attention, the reply would be given in Autumn, or early in the winter.” Settee added that “The Nelson Indians would have followed me to the province [of Manitoba], but the trader objected … if they would follow me.”

There can be little doubt that Roderick Ross, the HBC factor at Norway House was concerned about losing the local hunters and trappers who dealt with the post. And Ross was also worried that large numbers of people, who had formerly derived at least part of their income by working for the Company, were now unemployed and congregating at the post and mission. As well, the close proximity of Treaty Three territory to the Berens River area meant that some of the hunters from Little Grand Rapids on the eastern side of the District had moved to Lac Seul, to take advantage of the benefits of entering into
Treaty Three. This reduced both the fur returns and the customer base of the Hudson’s Bay Company in the Berens River portion of the Norway House District, while the people displaced from the fur trade looked outside the district (for example, to Red River) for suitable places to settle and support themselves by farming, possibly further undermining the Ross’ potential trade. In his 1875 District Report, Ross informed his employers:
You are aware that the operation of the Treaty recently effected with the
Indians of Lac Seul has tended to the withdrawl of a large section of the [Little] Grand Rapids Indians who have been included in that treaty as at one time belonging to the former post._ Hence has chiefly arisen the great contraction in the Returns of the Grand Rapid, of late years….

Hitherto profitably employed in the summer transport, each able-bodied man in this way earning from £ to £20 during the season, it now becomes a serious question how the crowd of Indians collected here can earn a living for themselves and families when deprived of the principal and almost sole means of earning a livelihood. It is clear that as a first measure of relief, many of them must leave this vicinity; and duly impressed with the necessity of this an emigration – movement encouraged by the [Methodist] missionaries [at Rossville], was set on foot and all but carried out in the early spring of this year. The objective point was White Mud River on the borders of the Province of Manitoba, where it was reported the Government was willing to make them grants of land, and to assist them with seed, agricultural implements, cattle and in many other ways. Beyond encouraging all the miserable halfbreed families who were settled here to move off to their own country I certainly could not approve of a scheme that once initiated and sanctioned by the Government would speedily depopulate the whole low country from Churchill to Lake Winnipeg. The project may now be considered all but abandoned.

Despite the failure of the plan to move to White Mud River, the Norway House group associated with the Methodist mission at Rossville continued to pursue the goal of finding a place where they could try to support themselves by farming. Morris had already approached the federal government on this matter in December of 1874. In
February of 1875, the group, assisted by Henry Prince of Treaty One, and likely by the Reverend John Ruttan, the Rossville Methodist minister at the time, sent a letter to the
Free Press that was published in March 1875:
Norway House, Rossville, Feb 22nd, 1875.
To the Editor of the Free Press

Sir,- We are not known to you personally, but we trust upon your generous and charitable characters being of the white men, who have ever been friends to the poor red men. Our desires are that you may have the goodness to insert these few lines into your paper, that all your good English friends the philanthropists of the poor human race may learn under what difficulty we are labouring in our efforts to form a village for the preservation of our lives and our children. You have heard of Christian village on the north end of Lake Winnipeg a settlement of the Swampy Crees, a community of consisting of nearly eight hundred souls, all baptized into our one common faith of our God and Saviour Jesus Christ and his blessed spirit by the labours of those devoted missionaries of the church of England and the Wesleyan who taught us to worship the one living and true God.

Our settlement is increasing, our kindred from the north regions of the Hudson’s Bay are coming up higher to escape from starvation and cannibalism and to adopt the means employed by the white man to preserve life by disturbing the soil and raise food out the ground. The soil where our settlement is planted is small, the surface of the ground being principally stone and a marsh. The climate is neither well favourable for raising crops. Under these disadvantages we assembled among ourselves last summer, and drew up a petition to His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor of Manitoba and consigned the petition to the care of one friend, the Rev James Settie
[Settee], whom we believed presented it to Governor Morris. We there asked His Excellency to grant us the same privilege as any of Her Majesty’s subjects to seek for a place the land and climate are favorable for agriculture, we asked for a tract of land on the borders of the Lake Winnipeg called Grassy Narrows or in the Saskatchewan District. We are confident that the
Lieutenant Governor who is appointed as the representative of our Sovereign Queen Victoria cannot turn a deaf ear to the cries of so many poor creatures. We shall wait to hear from Manitoba if steps is to be taken to our help and support. May the Almighty bless our Queen, and the rulers of this land. We ask our friend Mr Henry Prince to ask the printers to insert this in their paper.

Signed by David Randal [Rundle] on behalf of all the Swampy
Crees of Norway House and Nelson River.

Six weeks later, Ruttan wrote from Rossville to Lieutenant Governor Alexander Morris that thirty families wanted to move to White Mud River or Grassy Narrows. He noted that steam navigation had led to unemployment and that the land around Norway House was not good for agriculture.

In August of 1875, a deputation from the Norway House group travelled to Red River and approached Morris on the subject. As Morris reported on 5 October 1875 to the Minister of the Interior:
I proceeded to the St. Peter Reserve on the 5th of August and encamped near the Indian tents….

A party of Norway House Indians were present and asked for a reserve at the Grassy Narrows. I informed them that one could not be granted at that place, and learning from them that the Chief at Norway House was about leaving there with a party of Indians to confer with me, I engaged three of the Indians present to proceed at once to Norway House and inform the Indians that I would meet them there about the middle of September.

I have since learned that they met the Chief after he had left Norway House [for] Fort Garry, and caused him to return.

I have the honor to be, etc.,
Alexander Morris, Lieut.- Governor

Treaty Five was negotiated because the Aboriginal participants desired to enter into a relationship with the Crown similar to the agreements that other groups had already negotiated (the people at Berens River indicated they wanted “the same amount of Treaty money as had been given to the other Indians around us” as well as “a lengthy list of construction tools they wanted the government to supply”). For its part, the Canadian government wanted to gain access to land and waterways for development. In 1874,
Methodist missionary E.R. Young, who had by that time moved from Norway House to Berens River, informed the Lieutenant Governor on behalf of the Berens River Ojibwe that they had waited in vain in 1873 for the treaty commissioner to arrive, until food supplies were so depleted that they were forced to leave. Young stated that they “were somewhat soured in their minds and think they have not been dealt with in that straightforward manner which they expect from the Great Men who carry out the wishes of their Great Mother across the waters,” but that they were still open to negotiating a treaty.

At first, the Canadian government considered including the Norway House District people in Treaties One or Two, but that plan was not realistic given the great distance people would have had to travel to collect their annuities at Lower Fort Garry or Manitoba House, where the treaties had been negotiated. Lieutenant Governor Morris’s initial intentions in entering into treaty in the Rossville/Norway House area were based on the pleas of the “Christianized Indians” associated with the Rossville mission. The Minister of the Interior, David Laird, had suggested that the Berens River people might sign an adhesion to Treaty One, but Morris disagreed, believing that increasing pressure to exploit the region and the need to find a new location for the Norway House band required a much larger and more comprehensive agreement. Morris wrote to ask for permission to enter into negotiations for a Lake Winnipeg treaty: “for the surrender of
the Territory uncovered by previous Treaties.” Even at this point, Morris expected to be treating with fewer than 200 families. Morris’ arguments prevailed, and Laird in turn quickly received governmental permission to send Morris and James McKay to negotiate the new treaty. The federal cabinet approved the plan for what would become Treaty
Five on 2 July 1875.
Coates and Morrison contend that
Because the general conditions for Treaty Five had been set by Laird and Morris before actual negotiations began, it was evident that the Native people would have little actual input into the treaty itself. Nonetheless, the treaty commissioners would go through an elaborate procedure of explaining the terms, asking for Native suggestions, and securing their acceptance of the package. But there were, in fact, few substantive negotiations; such matters as the election of the chief and the selection of the reserve sites were the only ones about which the Native people had much choice.
Yet, when the party reached Norway House, they were to find that not all negotiations were solely in the hands of the Crown.
On 17 September 1875, the Treaty Commissioners left Fort Garry onboard the HBC steamer Colvile. The treaty negotiation at Berens River was brief, and from there they proceeded to Norway House. When Morris arrived at Norway House, he evidently was not aware that the Cross Lake people planned to meet him there, and based on its communication with Morris, the federal government had approved a treaty area that did not include Pimicikamak territory. In a memo of 2 July 1875, David Laird, Minister of the Interior, stated:
The undersigned has the honor to report that His Honor the Lt Governor of the North West in his despatch of the 31st May last reports the necessity of negotiating a Treaty during the present year with the Indians on either side of Lake Winnipeg so as to include the territory lying north of that already included in Treaties Nos 2, 3, and 4 and East and West of Lake Winnipeg.

His Honor states that the progress of steam navigation on Lake Winnipeg, the Establishment of Missions, and of Saw mills, the discovery of Minerals on the shores and in the vicinity of the Lake as well as the proposed migration of the Norway House Indians, all point to the necessity of such a Treaty being concluded without delay.

His Honor states that the Indians included in this territory, [crossed out: which may be approximately estimated at about [line here] across] are Saulteux and Swampy Cree Indians and number in all about two hundred families.

The undersigned entirely concurs in the views of His Honor as to the necessity of negotiating the proposed Treaty during the present year and would respectfully recommend that His Honor the Lt Governor of the North West, and the Hon: James McKay be appointed Commissioners for that purpose.

The undersigned would further recommend that the Territory to be covered by the proposed Treaty should be that lying North of the Territories included in Treaties Nos 3, 2 and 4 and South of a line running from the North West point of Treaty No 3 North Easterly to Jack Lake, then following the Jack River and including the Play Green Lake; thence, Westerly, to Moose Lake; thence, Southerly to Red Deer Lake, it being understood that in all cases where Lakes form the Treaty limits, ten Miles from the shore of the Lake should be included in the Treaty, and that the Treaty shall expressly cover all Islands either in Lake Winnipeg or in any other Lake included in the Territory142
Morris himself described the events surrounding the treaty signing:
We arrived at Norway House at three o’clock and were welcomed there by the Indians, who fired a salute.

On the 24th we met the Indians in a large store-house of the Hudson’s Bay
Company, and asked them to present their Chiefs and head men. We found

142 LAC, Privy Council Office: Item: Treaty with Indians on either side of Lake Winnipeg – [Minister of] Interior 2 July – Expediency of negotiating; Order-in-Council Number: 1875-0707. Date Introduced:
1875/07/02. Date Considered: 1875/07/02. Date Approved: 1875/07/09. Reference: RG2 , Privy Council
Office, Series A-1-a, For Order in Council see volume 335 , Reel C-3312 , Access code: 90 Register Number: Series A-1-d, Volume 2755 [D. Laird].
that there were two distinct bands of Indians, the Christian Indians of Norway House, and the Wood or Pagan Indians of Cross Lake. Each elected their
Chiefs [David Rundle represented the Rossville/Norway House Band, and
Tapastanum, or Donald William Sinclair Ross represented the Cross Lake Band] by popular vote in a most business-like manner, and the Chiefs, after consulting the bands, selected the head men. We then accepted the Chiefs, and I made an explanation of the object of our visit in English, and the Hon. James McKay in the Indian dialect. We severed the questions of terms and reserves, postponing the latter until we had disposed of the former. The Indians gratefully accepted of the offered terms, and we adjourned the conference to enable them to consult as to reserves. On re-assembling, the Christian Chief stated that they could no longer count on employment in boating for the Hudson’s Bay Company, owing to the introduction of steam navigation, he and a portion of his band wished to migrate to Lake Winnipeg, where they could obtain a livelihood by farming and fishing. We explained why we could not grant them a reserve for that purpose at the Grassy Narrows as they wished owing to the proposed Icelandic Settlement there, but offered to allot them a reserve at Fisher River, about forty miles north of the Narrows, and this was accepted…. The Chief of the Pagan band, who has, however, recently been baptized, stated that the Wood Indians wished to remain at Cross Lake, and we agreed that a reserve should be allotted them there. The treaty was then signed and the medals and uniforms presented. The Chiefs, on behalf of their people, thanked Her Majesty and her officers for their kindness to the Indian people, which I suitably acknowledged, and the payment of the presents was commenced by Messrs. McKay and Howard, and completed on the 15th .
We left that day at half-past three amidst cheering by the Indians and a salute of fire-arms, and came to anchor in Play Green Lake, at Kettle Island, at halfpast five.

As Frank Tough states, Morris’ original intentions to open land for the Icelandic Settlement, or accommodate steamer traffic and an expected subsequent settlement along the eastern Lake Winnipeg shore does not explain the inclusion of areas to the north and west of the area originally approved for negotiation, including Cross Lake. Tough considers that the resource potential, including timber, minerals, and fisheries, and agricultural potential, at least nearer Lake Winnipeg, coupled with the need to establish a transportation right of way that included the land and water in and around Lake Winnipeg and the Saskatchewan River, were what carried the day in Morris’ argument for a larger and more inclusive treaty. Tough also speculates that the move may have been hoped to
“facilitate Indian migration and settlement.”
Tough quotes Morris writing that :
The progress of navigation by steamer on Lake Winnipeg, the establishment of Missions and of saw milling enterprises, the discovery of minerals on the shores and vicinity of the lake as well as migration of the Norway House Indians all point to the necessity of the Treaty being made without delay.
Generally, it is held that the value of land for agriculture was the sole reason for government treaty-making. But at this early date the potential resources of the boreal forest were attracting attention. Morris’s rationale for Treaty Five indicates that a broader appraisal of the resources and geography of western Canada had developed.
In the end, the treaty boundary was enlarged to encompass Pimicikamak territory. The text of the treaty described the negotiated boundaries as:
Commencing at the north corner or junction of Treaties Nos. 1and 3, thence easterly along the boundary of Treaty No. 3 to the Height of Land at the north-east corner of the said Treaty limits, a point dividing the waters of the Albany and Winnipeg Rivers, thence due north along the said Height of Land to a point intersected by the 53º of north latitude,and thence north-westerly to Favourable Lake, thence following the east shore of said Lake to its northern limit, thence north-Westerly to the North end of Lake Winnipegosis; thence Westerly to the Height of Land called “Robinson’s Portage,” thence northwesterly to the east end of Cross Lake, thence north-westerly crossing Foxes Lake, thence north-westerly to the north end of Split Lake, thence southwesterly to Pipestone Lake, on Burntwood River, thence south-westerly to the western point of John Scott’s Lake, thence south-westerly to the north shore of Beaver Lake, thence south-westerly to the west end of Cumberland Lake, thence due south to the Saskatchewan River, thence due south to the northwest corner of the northern limits of Treaty No. 4, including all territory within the said limits, and all Islands on all lakes within the said limits, as above described; and it being also understood that in all cases where lakes form the treaty limits, ten miles from the shore of the lake should be included in the treaty.

The Norway House Journal for 1875 outlines some of the events surrounding the negotiation and signing of the treaty, beginning with 10 July 1875 when Roderick Ross recorded:
Saturday 10 [July 1875] Very hot day. Indians counceling accomplished electing a chief, at [sic] talk I think, as they have nothing else to do at present.
Sunday 11 [July 1875]…. We all attended Church across [at Rossville] as
“Tapastanum” was to be Baptized, quite an event as he is considered the
Greatest Medicine man of his Tribe, he is named “Donald William Sinclair Ross” after the late Chief Factors, Donald Ross and Wm Sinclair Two of his old masters

Tuesday 13 [July 1875]….all our wood Indians have now arrived…

Thursday 15 [July 1875] Henry Budd arrived with 2 Boats from Red River, with parts of Nelson River and Norway House Outfits….

Monday 9 [August 1875]….Many wood Indians about….

24 [September 1875] Steamer Colvile arrived with Govr Morris

26 [September 1875] Steamer left today, Mr Ross went on the steamer taking a boat’s crew for to return….

29 [September 1875] Traders arrived with two Boats

Friday 1 [October 1875] ….The Traders are reported to be off for Cross Lake or thereabout, Thomas Mestagon going as their guide

Monday 4 [October 1875]….Miller at work making things for Cross Lake….

Tuesday 5 [October 1875] Mr Alexr Sinclair left for Cross Lake,…

Thursday 14 [October 1875] …Mr Alexr Sinclair came back from Cross Lake where free traders have established

It is of interest to note that the entry for 10 July 1875 contrasts with Morris’ account.
Morris stated that he personally supervised the election of the Chiefs on his arrival.

Morris gave more details on his negotiation of Treaty Five at Norway House in a speech to a group of Methodist mission supporters at Grace Church in Winnipeg in December 1875. Introducing Morris, the church’s minister Reverend George Young noted that Morris’ “identified himself” with Methodist mission work, and had visited several mission stations. The Manitoba Free Press reported Morris’s speech, noting that on arriving near Norway House Morris found:
that Mr. Ross, with a crew of Indian boatmen had been awaiting his arrival nearly two weeks. To his surprise, he found that these Indians never retired to rest without singing a psalm and bowing in prayer. Entering Playgreen Lake (so called because before the missionaries came the Pagan Indians used to have their games and orgies upon its shores) and [he] beheld the most beautiful scenery, which he could only compare to the Thousand Isles on the St. Lawrence. He found Norway House to be larger than Fort Garry, and gathered at the landing were many Indians, clothed like white men. When they saw the speaker they took off their hats, and fired a salute, and, for the first time in his life, he heard from Indian lips a rousing British cheer. The construction of the steamers had deprived the Indians of their means of livelihood, tripping for the Hudson’s Bay Company, and they were anxious to migrate. Before he commenced negotiations with them, the speaker informed the Indians assembled that he must know who their chief was. They divided into two parties, the Christian and the pagan Indians. He was reminded of the days when he took part in politics, and was also amused to see an old Indian get up, and with the greatest gravity nominate a man for the position, and the motion having been properly seconded, it was put and carried in the regular manner, only a few voting nay, those gracefully gave way to the majority. [Note that the group arrived at a consensus rather than accepting a simple majority.] This was repeated by the pagan Indians, and on the speaker requiring the name of the chief, he learnt that it was Ross, and that he had no less than four Christian names. It transpired that the chief had been converted and baptized two days before. He granted them a reserve about forty miles from the Icelandic settlement, where they have good soil, good timber, and, more important for the Indian, good fishing. On leaving Norway House the Indians repeated the salute and cheer, and the old chief shaking him by the hand said fervently “God bless you.” …

It appears from this disparity between the Norway House journal and Morris’ accounts that, while the bands publicly ratified their choice of leaders in front of Morris, the actual selection was done previously and on their own terms. Morris’ account also suggests a process based on consensus. Dissenters were able to disagree, and eventually a result was settled that could be agreed to by all.

It also appears that Morris was unaware of the presence of the group that would become the Cross Lake band, until it came time to select a leader. It was only when the two groups broke apart that Morris realized he was not only dealing with the Norway House band. Finally, Morris’ account makes it clear that Tapastanum, baptized as Donald
William Sinclair Ross, made a significant impression on him.

The Norway House [Rossville Mission] baptismal and marriage registers and treaty annuity pay lists suggest that some, but not all, Cross Lake Band members were present at the time of the treaty signing. A number of people named in the early Pay Lists had their annuities drawn by another person, so that they may not have been present when the annuities were paid out, and a small group of people who had been missed in 1875 were added to the list in 1876. 151

During the treaty negotiations, three men represented the “Cross Lake” band. The chief or leader was Tapastanum, or Donald William Sinclair Ross. Two “head men,” George Garrioch and Proud McKay, assisted Tapastanum. Tapastanum was born in about 1805, and married his wife, known in English as “Mary,” probably in the late 1830s.152 He left trading at Nelson House to trade at Norway House in 1843.153 Tapastanum was already an acknowledged chief in 1867, when two of his daughters, Eliza Ross Oig and Mary
Papanakis were baptized.154 While missionary records did apply the term “chief” to Tapastanum, the Norway House journals did not specifically identify him as “chief,” although they did use this term for other individuals. It is likely that Tapastanum held a

151
See: Appendix M: Excerpts from Methodist Baptismal records [Rossville Mission]: People from Cross Lake and John Scott’s Lake Baptized June to September 1875, excerpted from United Church Archives,
Winnipeg, Wesleyan Methodist Register of Baptisms Norway House, 1840-1849 and Treaty Annuity Pay
List, Indian Treaty Pay Sheet, Treaty No. 5, Cross Lake Band, Ta-pas-ta-num or Donald William Sinclair Ross Chief, Letter J, Sept 25th 1875
152 See transcriptions of Methodist Baptismal and Marriage registers, Appendices M and B. In 1838,
Tapastanum was listed as a single adult hunter in the Nelson House Indian Survey (HBCA B.239/z/10 York
Factory Miscellaneous Records f. 88, 87.) In this census he is noted to be the brother of Wachackenasees (also a single adult hunter) and nephew of “Pucky,” and Pucky is listed as a relative of “Star,” all of them trading at Nelson House. When Tapastanum and Mary were married, the Methodist minister John Ruttan noted, “After living together about 40 odd years and having a large family lately being baptised are now married.” (Wesleyan Missionary General Register, 1840-1892, Original Registers of Marriages, Rossville, UCA (Wpg.): 1875, Rossville, number 316, October 1, 1875.)
153 HBCA, B.195/z/1, Fort Seaborn [Nelson River House] Miscellaneous, 1857. See above in this report, by 1812, Misakickaneb and his family were hunting in the Cross Lake area. On 31 May 1845, the Norway House Post Journal noted “Mis a kequenib and Tepastanum arrived with furs, from outward appearance chiefly Beaver we shall however see on Monday morning. _” (HBCA B.154/a/43 Norway House Post Journal, 1844-1845, f. 30.) See also: HBCA B.154/a/46, Norway House Post Journal 1846-1847 f. 3, 4 June 1846 where Tepastanum arrived “…with the remainder of his winter hunt”.
154 An annotation in the registers states “Book shows latter persons are daughter[s] of the Indian Chief still heathen Tāpastānum C.S. [Charles Stringfellow]”)See Appendix M for full transcription of these entories, dated 29 September 1867.
leadership role within his own community, but was not a “trading chief” in the eyes of the Hudson’s Bay Company traders, which could account for why the missionaries identified him as a “chief” while the traders did not. During treaty negotiations, Tapastanum brought to bear considerable experience with fur traders. He also had some exposure to missionaries; and was particularly noted by E.R. Young, John Ruttan, and James Settee. Some of his children and grandchildren were baptized at Rossville as early as 1861.

Tapastanum was known as a person of power. Missionary Egerton Ryerson Young related a story about a visit by Tapastanum to a Methodist service at Rossville:
We were surprised at times by seeing companies of pagan Indians stalk into the church during the services, not always acting in a way becoming to the house or day. …I was very much astounded one day by the entrance of an old Indian called Tapastanum, who, rattling his ornaments, and crying, “Ho! Ho!” came into the church in a sort of trot, and gravely kissed several of the men and women. As my Christian Indians seemed to stand the interruption, I felt that I could. Soon he sat down, at the invitation of Big Tom, and listened to me. He was grotesquely dressed, and had a good-sized looking-glass hanging on his breast, kept in its place by a string hung around his neck. To aid himself in listening, he lit his big pipe and smoked through the rest of the service.

Tapastanum continued his traditional spiritual practices despite missionary efforts to convert him to Christianity. In a published letter in 1875, Methodist missionary John
Ruttan stated that Tapastanum had been exposed to Church of England teachings by the Cree minister James Settee. Both Chief Factor Roderick Ross and John Ruttan acknowledged Tapastanum as a prominent “conjuror”. Ruttan described Tapastanum’s baptism in front of a large congregation as

an interesting, nay thrilling sight. To see such a noted conjurer as he, stand before a large congregation, and in answer to the question in his own language, “Dost thou renounce the devil and all his works, the vain pomp and glory of the world, with all covetous desires of the same; and the carnal desires of the flesh, so that thou wilt not follow or be led by them?” say, “I renounce them all,” is something long to be remembered, and for which we, with the angels around the throne of God, should rejoice together.

Methodist baptism and marriage records list Tapastanum, his wife and one of their son’s
“abode” as “John Scott’s Lake” (present day Setting Lake). In the registration of the Ross’ Wesleyan marriage ceremony, John Ruttan added “After living together about 40 odd years and having a large family lately being baptised are now married.”

Tapanastum was the Treaty Chief of the Cross Lake Band from the time of treaty in 1875 until his death in September 1881. At the time of his death, he was a member of the Cross Lake Methodist congregation. In the same 1881 register, where he was listed as “chief,” his wife Mary was listed as “chiefess” David Queskinnipurskunm
[Quishkineepineshkinum] or Ross, who became Treaty Chief in 1882 following Tapastanum’s death, was the father of Tapastanum’s daughter’s husband, suggesting that the extended Ross family continued to offer political leadership in the community even after his death.

Tapastanum’s family continued in their spiritual prominence into the twentieth century, as well. In 1930, the anthropologist A. Irving Hallowell paid a brief visit to Cross Lake.
In The Role of Conjuring in Saulteaux Society, Hallowell wrote “The first conjuring [shaking tent] performance that I saw was at Cross Lake, Manitoba, in 1930. The conjurer was a Cree, a picturesque old-timer by the name of papamotèwigamau (walking boss), said to be ninety years of age.” In an extensive footnote, Hallowell stated that Papamotèwigamau was known by reputation to the Berens River people, and that
Papamotèwigamau’s father was Tapastanum, “radiates light (an allusion to the sun)” who “was also a conjuror and one of the most famous shamans of the Lake Winnipeg region.”

One of the councillors who signed Treaty Five with Tapastanum was George Garriock
[Garrioch], who probably lived at the Red River Settlement from 1843 to 1846. The Red River census shows a George Garrioch as an adult Indian in 1843 and 1846-47. A
George Garrioch, an adult resident at “Indian Settlement” (i.e., St. Peter’s on the Red River) was baptized 8 July 1843.

In a contract Garriock signed in 1849 at York Factory with the Hudson’s Bay Company, he agreed to return, at the end of his employment, to Red River. In a later contract signed 1 June 1872, he specifically stated that he was “formerly of the Parish of St. Peter’s, in the Province of Manitoba.” Garriock was able to sign his contracts and the signature is consistent with the one found on the treaty. Garriock worked for the Hudson’s Bay Company from 1846 to 1860, when he was noted to have “deserted”. He again worked for the Company from 1860 to August 1875, when he became “free” at Norway House.

Following the treaty, Garriock was a councillor and later a treaty chief, as well as leading the Methodist congregation at Cross Lake; many baptisms and marriages were held in his home. A mission journal from Rossville listed him as a leader or assistant leader in two enumerations of congregants.

Methodist Meetings Cross Lake
No. 16 Meets on Sunday at Cross Lake April 1881

  1. George Papanekis, Leader
  2. George Garrioch Ass. [Leader] and Native Teacher

1885
Cross Lake Class George Garrioch Leader

When Garriock became the schoolteacher for the band in February 1884, there was no school house and he held classes in his home:
Indian Affairs Annual Reports
31st December 1885
The Government Indian school was opened by George Garrioch, in his own house, on the 6th February last… The appointment of Mr. Garrioch is only temporary – his education being somewhat limited – but he is doing very well for the present and the band are well satisfied with the school.

31 December 1884 “The school was opened last February, by Chief Garrioch, who has conducted it ever since”

31st December 1885 “The school at Cross Lake reserve is taught by Chief Garrioch, who has been a missionary in that northern country for many years. He has an average attendance of twenty-five pupils, who are making fair progress in reading, spelling and writing.”

George Garriock [Garrioch] was a band councillor from 1875 to 1883, and band chief from 1884 to 1886. He and his wife were “released from Treaty” in 1888, but he continued to be paid as the school teacher until June of 1891.

The second councillor to sign Treaty Five along with Tapastanum was Proud McKay.
McKay was born in about 1821. He had a servant’s account with the Hudson’s Bay Company in 1873, but no purchases were entered against his account. He was a councillor in 1875 and 1876. Following an incident that the Indian agent deemed to be a theft, McKay was removed from his position. Although the band requested he be reinstated, the Indian agent found him in jail on his next visit, and did not reinstate McKay. Inspector of Indian Agencies Ebenezer McColl summarized the incident in his annual report, with little sympathy for the Indian Agent. Mc Coll wrote that the suspension was “irregular”and that “upon the recommendation of the band [McKay] was reinstated on the 16th February last.” McColl reported that

The Cross Lake Indians….unanimously request that Proud McKay, one of their councillors “suspended” by the agent in 1875 for dishonesty, contrary to any construction that can possibly be put on the 72nd section of the Indian Act, for there is no provision mentioned therein for suspension of councillors for either dishonesty or any other crime, and the Governor alone is vested with authority for dismissals. The crime alleged to have been committed by this councillor consisted in breaking into a deserted storehouse of the Hudson’s Bay Company and taking therefrom a handful of tea. His object in going into this building was to get a grindstone supposed to belong to the band, but afterwards discovered that it was owned by the Company, and that the article he was searching for was in another house.
182

McColl noted that “The Agent finding him imprisoned for petty larceny at the time of payment, withheld his annuity in accordance with the 82nd section of the Indian Act.” Proud McKay died in 1901, at which time the Methodist leader Edward Paupanakiss noted he had been born at Split Lake, and had been a Catholic.

VI. Conclusions

Aboriginal people have occupied the Pimicikamak region from at least 4000 B.C.E. onwards. Hudson’s Bay Company records suggest that, although some individuals and groups may have moved to other areas, some people remained in the area continuously, and some of those who moved away did so only temporarily. European contact with the Pimicikamak people began with the fur trade, and contact between the two groups gradually increased in both frequency and duration over time. By the late 1700s, some Pimicikamak people were making trips to Hudson’s Bay Company posts on Hudson Bay to trade. Also in the late 1700s, some Hudson’s Bay Company employees began to move inland. At first the main aim of the HBC traders was to make trade alliances with peoples farther west, and to entice these people to travel to the Bay or to the Company’s few inland posts such as Cumberland House (founded in 1774). As a result, explorers during this period traveled quickly through Pimicikamak territory, holding to the main waterways as transportation routes and having little local contact.

Fur traders from both the Hudson’s Bay Company and Montreal set up posts in the Pimicikamak area in the late 1700s, a practice that continued into the early nineteenth century. These posts were mostly seasonal, the traders remaining only during the winter months. As a rule, personal contacts at these posts were brief and driven by the choice of some Pimicikamak individuals to come to the post to trade. Rather than involving whole families, it was more common for a few members of a hunting group to visit a post to trade. In a few cases, fur trade employees did spend an extended period of time with a Native hunting group. It is important to note that written records for this period were

When Church of England missionary James Settee, himself a Cree from the Split Lake area, arrived at Norway House in the summer of 1873 wanting to establish a mission in the Nelson River area among his own people, he negotiated with local leaders who agreed to support a mission. Tapastanum, a noted leader with considerable spiritual power, led Settee to the location the group had chosen. This exercise of their authority accepted by Settee, suggests the autonomy and control the group excersised over their territory. Evidence from Lieutenant Governor Morris and the Canadian government suggests that it was the Pimicikamak people who determined to enter into a treaty relationship with the Crown. Morris was unaware that he would be dealing with the Pimicikamak people until after the negotiations had begun, and Tapastanum came forward as the leader of the “Pagan” or “Wood” Indians.

In treaty negotiations, the Pimicikamak people were represented by Tapastanum, who had been baptized Donald William Sinclair Ross only a few weeks earlier, George
Garriock, who had worked for the Hudson’s Bay Company for many years, and Proud McKay. Although Morris claimed that the chiefs involved in Treaty Five negotiations were elected in front of him, other sources show that the choice of the Rossville chief, David Rundle, had already been made before Morris arrived, suggesting that the election held in front of Morris only ratified that earlier decision. Morris’ own descriptions of the process of selecting both the Rossville and Cross Lake representatives suggests that a consensus was reached through a protracted process, rather than relying on a simple majority vote. From Treaty Five (1875) onward, Tapastanum was regularly identified as a chief. Earlier Hudson’s Bay Company records did not describe him as such, however. government.

A1 Appendix A: Maps

An Overview and Summary of Documentary Sources of Maps Relating
to the Pimicikamak Traditional Territory

Maps in this section demonstrate the emergence of European understanding of the Pimicikamak traditional territory. As noted previously, European maps sometimes contained Aboriginal information; for instance, Belyea states:

Despite Henday’s pilot survey in February 1754, the London Committee was not satisfied with reports of the navigability of inland waterways. Their General Letter of 1755 recommended that Isham conduct a detailed examination of the Hayes and Nelson rivers, since “Nelson’s River on your said draught must be laid down from Indian information only, and how much that is to be depended on, we are Annually convinced, and doubtless you are too.” The following year, the committee’s response to Henday’s year inland was no more confident…. “we apprehend Henday is not very expert in making Drafts with Accuracy or keeping a just Reckoning of distances other than by Guess which may prove Erroneus.”

Where it is possible, Aboriginal contributions to knowledge, as opposed to the direct observation of a European are noted, but as maps tended to draw on earlier maps in their development, it is not always possible to distinguish information that was gleaned through Aboriginal informants from information that came from direct observation. As Malcolm Lewis notes:

From the earliest contacts, Amerindians have transmitted to Euro-Americans spatially-arranged information about the lands, coasts, waters, places, routes and resources of North America. …the information content of many [Amerindian] maps was considered to be sufficiently important for it to be assimilated onto the maps of Euro-American explorers, early Euro-American mapmakers, and, since the mid eighteenth century, American, Hudson’s Bay Company and Canadian surveyors. Assimilation often resulted in representations as terrae cognitae of what, on the basis of Euro-American experience alone, were terrae incognitae. In a few cases assimilation was acknowledged…. In many cases, one suspects that assimilation occurs without acknowledgement.
Barbara Belyea quotes John Logan Allen in describing how Europeans became more aware of a geographic area:

There are really three ways of knowing about areas geographically: a system of coherent knowledge based on accurate data and long acquaintance, a system of
more or less coherent knowledge based on simple logical and theoretical constructions, or a system which is largely incoherent and based on desires, ambitions, long-standing myths and traditions, or pure rumour and fantasy….

Maps of the northwestern Shield country demonstrate an understanding of the country that emerged gradually, both in terms of detail and accuracy. This emerging information developed first around bodies of water and rivers that were part of significant transportation routes. The following survey of maps demonstrates this progression, and suggests the amount of interaction fur trade mapmakers had with the landscape and with people who understood that landscape.

Maps found in the Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and
Sketches from 1612 to 1969, by John Warkentin and Richard Ruggles, A Country So Interesting: The Hudson’s Bay Company and Two Centuries of Mapping, 1670-1870, by
Richard Ruggles, and the Hudson’s Bay Company/Archives of Manitoba and Library and
Archives Canada demonstrate the emerging understanding and awareness of Europeans about Pimicikamak territory. Information reflected in the maps shows that both detail and accuracy developed from the major waterways inland, and over a considerable period of time.

  1. A SECTION FROM NICOLAS SANSON’S MAP, “Amerique Septentrionale,” 1650, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 30-31. Ruggles states: “It is noticeable that [Sanson] owed a great deal to Champlain in the region west of Hudson Bay, but he also attempted to integrate this version with new information coming from English exploration of the Bay…. Manitoba is still largely a marine region.”

Sanson’s map does not include any information about the Pimicikamak region.

  1. A SECTION FROM PIERRE DU VAL’S MAP, “Le Canada,” 1653, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 32-33 shows a similar lack of information about the region.
  2. A SECTION OF JEAN-BAPTISTE FRANQUELIN’S MAP, “Carte Gnlle de la France Septentrionalle,” 1678, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 38-39.

Ruggles notes:

[Franquelin] has extended a river from the west into Hudson Bay, and with a small source lake, has proposed here the beginning of Lac des Christinaux, or Kilistons which was to loom much larger in his later maps.

This map contains the information that there were “Kilistinons” (see synonymy in main report) to the north-west of “Lac Superieur”, but does not show any understanding of the Pimicikimak territory.

  1. JEAN-BAPTISTE FRANQUELIN’S MAP, “Carte contenant une part du Canada,” 1681, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 40-41.

This map shows “Anglois” at present-day York Factory, and a river that connects with “Lac de Assinibouels” but this lake is confused with Lake Nipigon. Ruggles states:

During this first phase [Franquelin] was considerably influenced by other cartographers…. This 1681 configuration is dominated by the ideas of Sanson for Hudson Bay and the northern coast, and Jolliet for the Mississippi area…. His acceptance of the Jesuit map of Lake Superior provided the best available outline of this lake…. Beyond [placing the source of the Mississippi in Manitoba and confusing Lac de Assinbouels with Lake Nipigon] nothing of novel form appears in relation to the mapping of the Manitoba area.

The map is notably void of any information about the Pimicikamak territory.

  1. A SECTION OF HUBERT JAILLOT’S MAP, “Partie de la Nouvelle France,” 1685, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 52-53.

Ruggles states:

The river and lake, to the south of Port Nelson, which is the Hayes-Fox system was copied basically by Franquelin and De l’Isle among others. It is interesting to note that although these elements and others on Jaillot’s map were of some significance to mapping, they were all extremely generalized and crude in form. It may be said that Jaillot’s map is very stylized for the Manitoba region.

Pimicikamak territory properly lies to the north and west of the area covered by the map, but two unidentified lakes connect to “Port Nelson” by what might be the Nelson River. The map does not represent Pimicikamak territory.

  1. A SECTION OF JEAN-BAPTISTE FRANQUELIN’S MAP, “Amerique Septenlle,” 1686, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 46-47.

Ruggles states:

Franquelin drew a map in 1686 which is quite different from any of his earlier efforts. Although many of its components are of an original nature, he did borrow features from other maps, particularly from Jaillot and Jolliet. He was also indebted to various English maps for the outline and certain of the nomenclature of Hudson and James Bays, as well as to the Jesuit map of 1670-1671 for his rendering of Lake Superior. This map, however, inaugurated a new phase in Western mapping, and also presented a distinctive rendering of the geography of the Upper Mississippi river, which was related to the mapping of Manitoba. Of immediate prominence are Lac des Assinibouels and Lac des Christinaux, connected through broad rivers…. To Hudson Bay by the Bourbon river (Nelson).

This map shows no knowledge of the Pimicikamak territory.

  1. A SECTION OF JEAN-BAPTISTE FRANQUELIN’S MAP, “Amerique Septenlle,” 1688, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 48-49.

Ruggles states that “This map is a further refinement of Franquelin’s previous map for the Manitoba area…. Franquelin has changed his mind on the character of the Hayes-Fox river, and has drawn a rendering also used by later draughtsmen.”

Among other tribal territorial designations, the notation “Chris-ti-naux” (i.e., Crees) is inscribed in the area astride the “Riviere Bourbon” between “Lac des Christinaux” and “Port Bourbon” (Port Nelson), but no specific information is presented about the Pimicikamak territory.

  1. A SECTION OF JEAN-BAPTISTE FRANQUELIN’S MAP, “Amerique Septenlle,” 1699, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 50-51.

Ruggles notes the similarity this map shares with Franquelin’s 1688 map. There is no new information about Pimicikamak territory.

  1. A SECTION OF GUILLAUME DE L’ISLE’S MAP, “Carte du Canada et du Mississippi,” 1702, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 56-57.

Ruggles notes:

As far as Manitoba is concerned, this map is the final transformation of De l’Isle’s ideas, and the configuration shown here was repeated many times in later years. The Bourbon (Nelson) river has been attached finally to Lac de Assinipoils (Manitoba Lakes). This lake is also connected with Lac des Christinaux, which is the former Kilistinons Lake.

Aside from an annotation, “Les Christinaux” in the region from Lac des Christinaux to Hudson Bay, this map shows no information about the Pimicikamak region.

  1. UNTITLED, about 1728, “Map made by Auchagah, a Cree for La Vérendrye.” Library and Archives Canada. Image accessed through Library and Archives Canada “Pathfinders and Passageways: The La Vérendryes”:

http://www.collectionscanada.ca/2/24/h24-1530-e.html

Scanned image available at: [image accessed 29 May 2007]

http://data2.collectionscanada.ca/ap/c/c016133.jpg

A quote from La Vérendrye on this site underlines the lack of information Europeans had about the interior of the country, and therefore the dependence they placed on Aboriginal guides:

“Rapport au guide j’ay fait choix d’un nommé Auchagah Sauvage de mon poste fort attaché à la nation françoise le plus en état de guider le convoy et dont il n’y a pas lieu de craindre que l’on soit abandonné dans la route,…”

“With reference to the guide, the man I have chosen is one named Auchagah, a savage of my post, greatly attached to the French nation, the man most capable of guiding a party, and with whom there would be no fear of our being abandoned on the way.” (Burpee 1927, 52)

Credit: Library and Archives Canada, c-016133

  1. [TWO] COLLATED COPIES OF THREE MAPS PREPARED BY THE INDIANS AUCHAGACH, TACCHIGIS, LA MARTEBLANCHE AND OTHERS, 1728-29, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 72-73.

Ruggles states “The first delineations of the river and lake network beyond Lake Superior are those of several Cree Indians.”

Notations suggest “Cris” or “Cris et Cristinots” in the general area of Pimicikamak, and a number of issues arise if the map is read on European terms. No detail is shown for Pimicikamak territory, and in fact no northern outflow of Lake Winnipeg to Hudson Bay is shown.

  1. A SECTION OF GUILLAUME DE L’ISLE’S MAP, 1730, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 58-59.

This map shows “R. Bourbon” (probably the Nelson) flowing from the south rather than the west, and demonstrates no knowledge of Pimicikamak territory.

Following 1731, mapping of the interior of North America became more detailed and more realistic in European terms. Ruggles (Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, page 9) states “The…period, after 1731, may be called one of exploration, when much of the imaginative or conjectural delineation of the earlier period was replaced by a more realistic iconography.”

  1. MAP BY THE LA VÉRENDRYE EXPEDITION, 1734, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 76-77.

Ruggles states:

This map…indicates an east-west alignment of the hydrographic features as in the
Auchagach map, but on this occasion Lac Ouinipigon or des Assinibouenes (Lake Winnipeg), trends correctly north and south… There are several rivers flowing from the northern end of Lake Winnipeg which the natives stated, pass into Hudson Bay.

It is possible to see the very early emergence of an understanding of main hydraulic connections in the area north of Lake Winnipeg, but there is no evidence of any information specifically about the Pimicikamak region.

  1. MAP BY THE LA VÉRENDRYE EXPEDITION, “Carte Contenant les Nouvelles Decouvertes de L’Ouest in Canada, 1737”, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 80-81.

Ruggles states “The major fallacies on this map are those associated with northern rivers flowing into Lake Winnipeg.”

The area west and north of Lake Winnipeg is annotated “Pays des Cristinaux,” but provides no detailed information about Pimicikamak territory.

  1. MAP BY THE LA VÉRENDRYE EXPEDITION, “Carte Contenant les Nouvells Decouvertes de L’Ouest in Canada,” 1740, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 82-83. This configuration of lakes and rivers is the most significant, and most copied of all the maps emanating from the French trading venture.

Lake Winnipeg, shown as “Lac Oinipigue” and “Lac Bourbon,” empties through “grande River Anglais” to “Fort Anglais.” It is reasonable to assume that the fort is York Fort and that the river is therefore the Nelson. No information about the Pimicikamak region is shown.

  1. A SECTION OF NICOLAS BELLIN’S MAP, “Carte de L’Amerique Septentrionale” 1743, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 74-75.

Ruggles comments,

Nicolas Bellin transposed the Indians’ version of western waterways onto the map of North America… He has left the Franquelin interior lakes to the north of the Border Lakes, thereby duplicating Lake Winnipeg, since Lac Ouinipigon and Lac des Assiniboels are two versions of the same waterbody.

The notation north of the two lakes on this map appears to read, ”L’Existence de ces deux grande Lacs sest tres incertaine.” No information about the Pimicikamak region is shown.

  1. A MAP OF NORTH AMERICA by Father Castel, 1750-51, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages
    126-127.

This map contains a large number of problems that stem from Castel’s attempts to correlate mapping information from a number of sources, and possibly a belief in an easy Northwest Passage. While the Nelson River seems to be located on this map, it shows no information specifically about Pimicikamak territory.

  1. A SECTION OF NICOLAS BELLIN’S MAP, “Carte de L’Amerique Septentrionale,” 1755, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 118-119.

Ruggles states:

In the same year that Mitchell published his important map of the British Colonies in North America, which clearly exposed the dearth of geographical information from English sources for western Canada, Nicolas Bellin of France produced this map which can be considered as the epitome of French mapping for this region…. This system of lakes [roughly lakes Winnipeg and Manitoba] is drained by the Bourbon river (Nelson river), into the Bay, and is also attached to the Churchill network…. Farther north, the inhabitants are named as the Christinaux des Lacs, or Lake Crees.

Bellin’s map shows a continuing dearth of information about much of what is today Manitoba, and other than showing that a river links Port Nelson on Hudson Bay with Lake Winnipeg, the map shows little awareness of the Pimicikamak region.

  1. MOSES NORTON’S Draught of the Northern Parts of Hudsons Bay, 1760, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 88-89.

This is another example of Aboriginal information in mapping. Ruggles states:

This map was drawn on animal parchment, possibly by the Indians themselves, or by Norton during their interrogation at the Fort…. The simplified line of the Saskatchewan-Grass River-Nelson river route connects in the interior with the Athabasca country. “An old French House” refers likely to the old French post at The Pas.

The map describes significant water communications, but does not show specific information about Pimicikamak territory.

  1. A SECTION FROM THOMAS JEFFERY’S MAP, “A Map of Canada and the North Part of Louisiana,” 1762, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 122-123.

Ruggles states:

Thomas Jefferys turned to the French for his version of western Canadian hydrographic patterns, though he has added embellishments of his own devising. …The Port Nelson or Bourbon river, with its accompanying Rapid river and two large lakes, are reminiscent of De l’Isle. This cartographer has not produced any thing significant in Manitoban mapping, but presents a configuration, already outdated, copied by other later draughtsmen.

This map continues to feature only the major water routes in the area north of Lake Winnipeg, and no specific information about Pimicikamak territory. It does make a comment that there were “Kris named also Christinaux and Killistons” near Lake Winnipeg.

21a. A PLAN OF PART OF HUDSON’S BAY AND RIVERS COMMUNICATING WITH THE PRINCIPAL SETTLEMENTS by Andrew Graham, 1768-1770, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 94-95.

Ruggles states:

This is a composite map prepared from two manuscript maps drawn by Andrew Graham, the Factor at York Fort. It records the most complete configuration of the waterways of the Manitoba area to that date, and together with the details in Graham’s excellent memoir, “Observations on Hudson’s Bay, 1768”, is the earliest and most complete study on the geography of Manitoba. The inland information was plotted from three sources, Matthew Cocking’s journal of his trip to the Forks of the Saskatchewan river in 1772-1773, William Tomison’s descriptions of two journeys from 1767 to 1770 into the Manitoba Lakes area, and Indian reports.

As Ruggles notes, the lakes and lake-river connections in this map are extremely simplified, but this marks the beginning of an understanding of the major hydraulic communications of the area. Curiously, Cocking travelled inland in 1772-73, but the map is dated several years earlier. Details of the landscape are far from resolved, but this map, in combination with Graham’s Observations, (in which Graham identifies a subgroup of the Keishkatchewan
Nation or Cree who traded at Hudson’s Bay as Peme chic emeou), and Sir John Richardson who quoted Hutchins’ (1770) similar list (Hutchins called this group “Pemmichi-ke-mè-u”) and identified these people as from Cross Lake, appears to be some of the earliest documentary information about a group that identified as from Pimicikamak territory. See report on these documentary sources.

21b. A PLAN OF PART OF HUDSON’S BAY AND RIVERS COMMUNICATING WITH THE
PRINCIPAL SETTLEMENTS by Andrew Graham, 1768-1770, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 94-95 (Enlarged Section).

  1. A PLAN OF PART OF HUDSONS BAY, & RIVERS, COMMUNICATING WITH YORK FORT & SEVERN, 1774, Andrew Graham, in A Country So Interesting: The Hudson’s Bay Company and Two Centuries of Mapping, 1670-1870, page 130.

According to Ruggles (page 40), this is the:

first regional map to show tribal regions on the Canadian prairies and southern boreal forest. In a rather geometric fashion, the boundaries of the main Indian groups of this area were inserted. Such ethnographic details were also present in Graham’s Observations.

The label “Keskatchewan’s resort prior to European Settlements” appears to the north and east of Lake Winnipeg, and may relate to Graham’s comments about some movement and expansion that he said happened after European contact. See report on this. While the scale of the map differs from modern mapping, a stubb of the Saskatchewan River is shown entering a lake labelled “Pimochicomoo Lake.” Detail inland from the major water routes is still minimal as are parts of the waterways themselves.

23a. SAMUEL HEARNE’S “Map of Some of the Principal Lakes, River’s Leading from YF to Basquia,” 1776, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 96-97.

Ruggles states:

In 1774, [Hearne] was chosen to lead the expedition to build the first Hudson’s Bay Company trading post inland, this latter decision being a momentous alteration in the trading procedure of the Company. As a result of this journey and also of a second sojourn there in 1775, Hearne was able to lay down in some detail, for the first time, the normal water connections used between York Fort and the Saskatchewan river. Its coverage extends from the Bay at the mouth of the Nelson and Hayes rivers to Pine Island Lake (Cumberland).

This map includes parts of the Grass River system in northwestern Pimicikamak territory, and the “Keiscatchewan River “ (present day upper Nelson River) in the northeastern part of Pimicikamak territory, and “Tatassquiough Lake” (modern Split Lake). Information is still focused on the major water routes and connections, but details are beginning to emerge on these routes.

Credit: The Manitoba Historical Society.

A51  

23b. SAMUEL HEARNE’S “Map of Some of the Principal Lakes, River’s Leading from YF to Basquia,” 1776, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 96-97 (Enlarged Section).

Credit: The Manitoba Historical Society.

A53

  1. A NEW MAP OF NORTH AMERICA , 1778, Jonathan Carver. David Rumsey Map
    Collection, online:

http://www.davidrumsey.com

Map available at:
http://www.davidrumsey.com/detail?id=1-1-91250004&name=New+Map+of+North+America Accessed 29 May 2007.

The name “Christinaux” appears northeast of Lake Winnipeg, but the Pimicikamak region is not well defined.

Used with permission from the David Rumsey Map Collection,

25a. LA BAJA D’HUDSON: TERRA DI LABRADOR E GROENLANDIA CON LE ISOLE ADIACENTI, 1778, Antonio Zatta, David Rumsey Map Collection, online:

http://www.davidrumsey.com Accessed 29 May 2007.

The name “Christinaux” appears north of Lake Winnipeg, but the Pimicikamak region is not well defined.

Used with permission from the David Rumsey Map Collection,

25b. LA BAJA D’HUDSON: TERRA DI LABRADOR E GROENLANDIA CON LE ISOLE ADIACENTI, 1778, Antonio Zatta, (Enlarged Section) David Rumsey Map Collection, online:

http://www.davidrumsey.com Accessed 29 May 2007.

Used with permission from the David Rumsey Map Collection,

26a. PHILIP TURNOR’S Chart of Rivers and Lakes Falling Into Hudson’s Bay, 1779, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 98-99.

Ruggles states:

Philip Turnor commenced his career as map-maker of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s inland settlements with this map, produced after he returned from his first visit in the Saskatchewan River valley.

This map shows the Grass River and some of its related system, but the Nelson River is sketchy and poorly developed.

Credit: The Manitoba Historical Society.

26b. PHILIP TURNOR’S Chart of Rivers and Lakes Falling Into Hudson’s Bay, 1779, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 98-99 (Enlarged Section).

Credit: The Manitoba Historical Society.

  1. SECTION FROM THOMAS CONDER’S MAP, “North America”, 1782, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages
    120-121.

Ruggles notes:

This cartographer was not at all original in his treatment of the western Canadian area. He copied Bellin almost completely for the Border and Manitoba Lakes, and the Churchill, Nelson, Hayes and Severn systems. He then put in the connected lakes… which were obtained from the Mitchell map. Conder’s map is an excellent example of the long adherence to vestigial forms, extending back in some cases for over a century to Franquelin and De l’Isle.

Conder does add annotations around and including Pimicikamak territory. Of particular interest are the comments: “These Parts are Intirely Unknown,” and the related “The Course of these Rivers is little known,” and “This Country is intirely unknown.”

Credit: The Manitoba Historical Society

  1. NORTH AMERICA, A map by Thomas Kitchin probably 1785. Available online at
    McMaster University, Rare Maps, Hodsoll Collection, accession number 107301:

http://library.mcmaster.ca/php/raremaps.php?f=more&num=107301
Accessed 29 May 2007

The area north of Lake Winnipeg is noted “Parts unknown.”

Credit: McMaster University Library, Rare Maps, Hodsoll Collection, accession #107301

A67

  1. COPY OF A MAP PRESENTED TO THE CONGRESS BY PETER POND, 1785, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages
    106-107.

Ruggles states:

Very few traders were working in the Mackenzie Basin, but Peter Pond was the most experienced… from Indian reports he had amassed a considerable understanding of the more northerly regions. On this map he drew the Mackenzie, Churchill, Saskatchewan, Nelson, and Albany systems, the Manitoba Lakes and the Border Lakes, and showed their interconnection. No previous map, nor any in the next decade, outlined the general hydrographic pattern of Western Canada as did this one.

Despite Pond’s considerable contribution to cartographic information in the region, it does not address Pimicikamak territory, but still focuses on waterways and connections.

30a. AN ACCURATE MAP OF THE TERRITORIES OF THE HUDSON BAY COMPANY IN NORTH AMERICA, Likely Prepared by John Hodgson, 1791, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 104-105.

This map is actually simplified from other maps of the period, and does not show the Nelson River flowing across the Pimicikamak territory.

30b. AN ACCURATE MAP OF THE TERRITORIES OF THE HUDSON BAY COMPANY IN NORTH
AMERICA, Likely Prepared by John Hodgson, 1791, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 104-105 (Enlarged Section).

  1. PART OF A MAP OF NELSON AND HAYES RIVER AND CONNECTIONS THROUGH LAKE WINNIPEG, SHOWING AN AREA ABOVE SPLIT LAKE ON THE NELSON RIVER, 1794, A Country So Interesting: The Hudson’s Bay Company and Two Centuries of Mapping, 16701870, page 141 [Hudson’s Bay Company Archives G2/18].

Attributed to David Thompson by Ruggles. David Thompson wintered at Sipiwesk Lake in
1792-1793 (see main report). It shows the north-west part of Sipiwesk Lake and the “Saskatchewan River.” This was probably actually the Nelson River from Lake Winnipeg to Split Lake. See J.B. Tyrrell:

In applying the name “Saskatchewan River” to that portion of the Nelson River above Split river, Thompson was doubt less following the usage of the natives and employees of the Hudson’s Bay Company of that time. There is ground for believing that the name Saskatchewan was originally applied to that portion of the Nelson river which flows from Lake Winnipeg to Split lake, rather than to the great river above Lake Winnipeg to which the name is now applied.

This map initiates a period where the Pimicikamak territory was being considered in greater detail, but information still tends to focus near the major waterways.

Map is used with permission from The Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Archives of Manitoba, G2/18. Attributed to David Thompson.

  1. DAVID THOMPSON’S “Map of the Rivers and Lakes Above York Fort,” 1794-1795, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 100-101. See also page 131.

Ruggles states [page 100]:

David Thompson, for a period of time an employee of the Hudson’s Bay Company, provided in this map the most important source of information for those published maps which included this large region in their orbit. It concerns the same area basically as that of Turnor but it also shows the … part of the Churchill river system and the Burntwood Lake and river connection to the Nelson river at Split Lake…. Thompson undertook this mapping task while on general orders from the Company to search for a route to Athabaska from the Churchill river. He … obtained valuable information on the Nelson-Churchill connections for the York Factor. This map was basic to Aaron Arrowsmith’s continental mapping of 1795 for this region.

On page 131, Ruggles states:

The knowledge of the Canadian West which existed by 1800 was never transcribed completely into map form in this period. This was due, of course, to the time lag which must exist between events and their map depiction, and the impossibility of collecting at that time all of the known data and all of the drafted maps…By the end of the century only one map, that of Aaron Arrowsmith of 1795 [with additions of 1796], brought together the larger share of known data. Arrowsmith had been commissioned by the Hudson’s Bay Company to prepare this continental map, and therefore received for his use their rich treasury of Company maps, sketches and reports.

Credit: The Manitoba Historical Society

  1. A SECTION FROM AARON ARROWSMITH’S MAP, “A Map Exhibiting All the New Discoveries in the Interior Parts of North America,” 1795 (1796), Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 132-133.

This map shows a fair amount of information for the southern route from York Factory to Play Green Lake via the Hayes River system, but does not give information about the route by the Upper Nelson between Play Green Lake and Sipiwesk. It does have detailed information about the route from York to Cumberland via the “Port Nelson Riv,” and the Burntwood River, and also the Upper Nelson from Split Lake to what can be recognized as the north-east end of Sipiwesk Lake, as well as the portage trail from it to Chatham House, within the north-east extremity of Pimicikamak territory. Despite its strengths, a considerable part of Pimicikamak territory is not represented on this map.

Credit: The Manitoba Historical Society.

  1. A SECTION FROM WILLIAM FADEN’S MAP “The United States of North America,” 1796, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 128-129.

This map shows a considerable collection of vestigial relicts from older sources, but includes Hudson’s Bay Company inland posts. As Ruggles comments, however, “Manitoba does not fare well on this map.” The map does increase some information for areas south of Pimicikamak territory, but does not go far enough north to cover the region.

Credit: The Manitoba Historical Society.

  1. BRITISH POSSESSIONS IN AMERICA, 1804, Aaron Arrowsmith.
    Image available at:

http://www.davidrumsey.com/detail?id=1-1-316561150132&name =British+possessions+in+America Accessed 29 May 2007.

The Grass River system is outlined and a river connection is identified from Play Green Lake to Split Lake. North of Split Lake is an annotation “Killistinons.”

Used with permission from the David Rumsey Map Collection, http://www.davidrumsey.com

  1. CHA CHAY PAY WAY TI’S Map of the Waterways of a Part of Northern Manitoba, 1806, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 142-143.

As Ruggles states,

This is a fascinating map of a complex area of waterways between Cumberland House and Split Lake, and shows how greatly the European explorers must have been assisted by the natives in picking their way through the lake country of northern Canada. Peter Fidler was at Fort Chipewyan on Lake Athabaska in the spring of 1806, and it would appear that Cha chay pay way ti must have drawn the map for him there. Fidler, of course, was interested in all routes between the Far West and York Factory and likely asked knowledgeable Indians for assistance in charting routes….it is apparent that Cha chay pay way ti drew a fairly accurate sketch of a great extent of country. He made no attempt to show the outline of lakes precisely, preferring, in the way models are drawn, to indicate lakes by circles or ovals, and connecting them by simple straight lines. Some classic routes in the Manitoba North are shown. The circuitous route to the north is that of he Burntwood river, the central is that of the Grass river, and the southern is via the present Minago, and then by either the Pikwitonei or Nelson rivers. Names of some of the lakes and rivers are familiar today: Wekusko, Sipiwesk, Reed, and Moose; Burntwood, Grass and Saskatchewan.

In A Country So Interesting: The Hudson’s Bay Company and Two Centuries of Mapping, 1670-1870, Ruggles also states [page 66]:

It is in the cartographic style sometimes called “Beads on a string”: convoluted patterns of river and lake shores are generalized into essentially straight lines joining rounded or elliptical water bodies. It was valuable for relative directions and the locations of lakes one to the other along a connected route…. Place names are largely those used by natives; the names of several rivers and lakes have been translated from Indian originals.

“Na ha tha win nit tat too” is also identified as “Seepawesk.” Pim mit chik oo mow is certainly Cross Lake, upstream on the Nelson River, and with the Pine (Minago) River flowing into it. This is a very early map to show the arrangement of the rivers and lakes in Pimicikamak territory, and shows a fair level of accuracy and completeness, although it does omit some smaller bodies of water along the route.

Credit: The Manitoba Historical Society

  1. A NEW MAP OF UPPER & LOWER CANADA, 1811, by John Cary. Available online at
    McMaster University, Rare Maps, Hodsoll Collection, accession number 107380:

http://library.mcmaster.ca/php/raremaps?f=more&num=107380
Accessed 29 May 2007

accession #107380

  1. BRITISH COLONIES IN NORTH AMERICA, 1811, by John Russell. Available online at
    McMaster University, Rare Maps, Hodsoll Collection, accession number 107360:

http://library.mcmaster.ca/php/raremaps.php?f=more&num107360
Accessed 29 May 2007

accession #107360

  1. THE BRITISH POSSESSIONS IN NORTH AMERICA, 1814, by William Robinson.
    McMaster University, Rare Maps, Hodsoll Collection, accession number McMaster University, Rare Maps, Hodsoll Collection, accession number 107366:

http://library.mcmaster.ca/raremaps.php?f=more&num=107366
Accessed 29 May 2007

accession #107366

40a. HUDSON’S BAY COMPANY ARCHIVES, PETER FIDLER TRACK MAPS, Journals of Exploration and Survey, 1809, E.3/4, folios 4-7. From 10 June 1809 to 14 June Fidler travelled and mapped the waterways in the Cross Lake and Sipiwesk Lake area. His detailed surveys and accompanying text are some of the first of their kind for the region. Fidler notes the persistent presence of Laughton Leith [Leigh]’ s House, and a place where Hugh Sabbeston wintered in 1806, and that John McNab Junior wintered at Cross Lake. Because he was not able to find anyone who could or would guide him, Fidler engaged Leith to guide him further along the waterway. Fidler’s maps and texts provide Aboriginal names for locations in the landscape. See also report.

40b. H

40c. H

40d. H

40e. H

40f. H

40g. H

40h. H

40i. H

  1. A SECTION FROM AARON ARROWSMITH’S Map of North America, 1814, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 140-141.

Ruggles states:

…by 1814 Lake Winnipeg is more accurately drawn, and so is Lake Winnipegosis, though Lake Manitoba is still misshapen….more information has become available on the Nelson and Churchill rivers.

The existence of the West channel, and Cross and Sipiwesk Lakes, although still limited, shows the still emerging information about Pimicikamak territory, at least as far as its principal water routes is concerned.

  1. A SECTION FROM JAMES WYLD’S Map of North America, 1828, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages
    148-149.

Ruggles states:

This is a well composed, elegantly executed, characteristic example of the kind of general map widely produced in Europe in the early 19th century…. On this map we can find where the various Indian tribes lived at this time….Some descriptions of the countryside…are printed on the map.

The only information near Pimicikamak is “Primitive Country, Rocks thinly covered with soil, bearing pines, Aspens and Poplars.”

43a. A SECTION FROM JOHN ARROWSMITH’S Map of North America, 1832, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 150-151.

Ruggles states:

 This map represents one of the major revisions in the series of Arrowsmith maps of      British North America. Some of the detail on the previous maps, often erroneous in      any case, was eliminated. 

This map shows an emerging knowledge base about waterways in the region, but information is still developing.

43b. A SECTION FROM JOHN ARROWSMITH’S Map of North America, 1832, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages 150-151 (Enlarged Section).

44a. BRITISH NORTH AMERICA, 1844, John Arrowsmith, David Rumsey Map
Collection, online: http://www.davidrumsey.com

Accessed at: http://www.davidrumsey.com/maps841.html Accessed on 30 May 2007.

The Grass River system is shown in detail. Cross Lake is closer to proper scale in the landscape, but what is almost certainly Sipiwesk Lake is out of scale and other information about the area is doubtful or missing.

Used with permission from the David Rumsey Map Collection, http://www.davidrumsey.com

44b. BRITISH NORTH AMERICA, 1844, John Arrowsmith, (Enlarged Section) David
Rumsey Map Collection, online: http://www.davidrumsey.com

Accessed at: http://www.davidrumsey.com/maps841.html Accessed on 30 May 2007.

Used with permission from the David Rumsey Map Collection, http://www.davidrumsey.com

45a. A SECTION FROM THOMAS DEVINE’S Map of North America, 1857, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages
154-155.

This map combines a great deal of cartographic information available at the time and included mineral and scientific data. Details of the Pimicikamak region continue to be uneven.

Credit: The Manitoba Historical Society

45b. A SECTION FROM THOMAS DEVINE’S Map of North America, 1857, Historical Atlas of Manitoba, A Selection of Facsimile Maps, Plans and Sketches from 1612 to 1969, pages
154-155 (Enlarged Section).

Credit: The Manitoba Historical Society

A125

46a. MAP OF PART OF THE NORTH WEST TERRITORY, including the Province of Manitoba, Exhibiting the several Tracts of Country ceded by the Indian Treaties 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, 1877. Image also available through Early Canadiana Online:

http://www.canadiana.org/ECO/?Language=en

The map can also be found in the Sessional Papers of the Dominion of Canada : Volume 3,
Second Session of the fourth Parliament, session 1880.

Map: Map of Part of the North West Territory, including the Province of Manitoba, Exhibiting the several
Tracts of Country ceded by the Indian Treaties 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, 1877
Source: Library and Archives Canada/NMC 21018

46b. MAP OF PART OF THE NORTH WEST TERRITORY, including the Province of Manitoba, Exhibiting the several Tracts of Country ceded by the Indian Treaties 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, 1877. (Enlarged Section) Image available through Early Canadiana Online:

http://www.canadiana.org/ECO/?Language=en

The map can also be found in the Sessional Papers of the Dominion of Canada : Volume 3,
Second Session of the fourth Parliament, session 1880.

Map: Map of Part of the North West Territory, including the Province of Manitoba, Exhibiting the several
Tracts of Country ceded by the Indian Treaties 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, 1877 (enlarged section)
Source: Library and Archives Canada/NMC 21018

A129

Appendix B: Transcriptions excerpted from HBCA B.268/a/1, [Cross Lake] Post Journal, [author unidentified], 1795-1796.

HBCA B.268/a/1
[Cross Lake] Post Journal
1795-1796

[York Factory Journal 16 June 1796 “arrival of five Englishmen and one Canadian in two Canoes loaded with Furs from Cross Lake House.”]
1795 July 5th
Mondeay ….at 2 PM 2 Indian Canows Arived brought 8 bever Skens
& 3 Swans part of which they traded for brandey Folio 1
1795 July 6th
Tusdeay ….I traded with Indians at 10 AM they went away … Folio 1
1795 July 10th Saturdeay …. At 2 pm 5 Indian Canows Arived browght 7 bever & 40 lbs of gren Mows flesh which they, Traded for brandey … Folio 1d
1795 July 12th
Mondeay …. At 3 pm 1 Indian Arived brought alang his Canow which I Traded from him for deferan Articls of Trading goods at 4 pm 1 Indian Canow Arived brought 12 bever Skens & 50 lb of drid Mows flesh which they Traded for brandey powder and Shote Folio 1d
1795 July 13th
Tuesdeay Folio 1d
1795 July 17th
Saturdeay …. At A 11 am 2 Indian Canows Arived brought the fles of
2 powr Mowse which they traded for brandey Folio 1d
1795 July 18th
Sundeay …. 2 Indians Canows Arrived from the factory brought 4 bunels of Trading goods Also brought 100 lbs of dried
Mows flesh which they Traded for brandey Folio 2
1795 July 19th
Mondeay …….employed dring sum provisions that the Indians brought yesterday at 2 pm 6 Indian Canows Arived but brought nothing Folio
[this part of the journal appears to be at another post than Cross Lake] Folio 1-4
1795 31 July
Saturdeay ….at 8 am 2 Cnadin Men Arived for a sepleay of Twin to Mend ther nets also 2 fadem of Whit Tobacco which the got and emedly went bak to the Cross Lake Folio 2d
1795 August 31th
Mondeay ….at 7 AM embark in 2 Canows for the Cross Lak padled till 6 pm then put ope [1 September paddled 6 am to 7 pm; 2nd Sept paddled to 6 pm; Thursday paddled till night] Folio 4
1795 Sept 4th
Sundeay … ……..padled handed and careyed till 3 pm then put up at the entrens of the Cross Lak Folio 4
1795 Sept 5th
Saturdeay …Arived at the Cross Lak Hows … Folio 4

1795 Sept 9th Weadnsdeay …at 7 pm 5 Canows of Iindians Arived brought 200 lbs of dried Mows flesh & 12 baver Skens Folio 4d
1795 Sept 10th Thursdeay ….Traded with the Indians and gave them aseplay for the winter at 3 pm they went away Folio 4d
1795 Sept 11th Frideay ….at A 11 am 3 Canows of Canedians Arived Folio 4d
1795 Sept 16th
Weadnsdeay ….Traded 8 gese 3 swans from the Indians for Lekur Folio 4d
1795 Sept 19th
Saturdeay ….today at 6 pm on Indian Canow Arived brought 5 baver skens & 80 lbs of gren beaver flesh which he Traded for brandey Folio 5
1795 Sept 20th Sundeay ….at 9 am 3 Canows of Indians went awaye…. Folio 5

1795 Sept 21th …Taller Making Indin Clothin… Folio 5
1795 Sept 22th
Tusdeay ….at a11 am [“2” inserted] Canows of Indians Arived brought 10 baver Skens & 40 lb of drid baver flesh Which they Traded for brandey powder and Shote also gave them a seplay of powder & shot & Irn work to kill baver with Folio 5
1795 Sept 27th Sundeay …. at 5 pm 2 Indian Canows Arived browght 12 baver skens and 200 lbs of gren Mows flesh part of which they Traded for brandey Folio 5d
1795 Sept 28th Mondeay Folio 5d
1795 Sept 29th Tusdeay …. Traded with the Indians and gave them A supply for the winter Folio 5d
1795 Sept 30th Weadnsdeay …. At 6 pm on Indian Canow Arrived with 2 bunels of
Trading goods from the Factory [gives inventory] Folio 5d
1795 October 1
Thursday ….At 4 pm 3 Canows of Indians went away Folio 5d
1795 October 5
Mondeay ….the Taller Making Indian Clothing…. Folio 6
1795 October 8th Thursdeay …at 3 pm 3 Canows of Indians Arived browght 40 baver
200 lbs of provisions Folio 6
1795 October 9th Frideay …thes day employed Trading with the Indians … Folio 6
1795 October 10th
Saturdeay ….At 5 pm on Canow Arived from the Factrey browght all
Saf that was sent with him Folio 6
1795 October 11th Sundeay …. thes day employed giveing [Thee] Indians ther Seplay for the the winter Folio 6
1795 October 12th Mondeay …. At 11 am 3 Tants of Indians went away … Folio 6
1795 October 28th
Weadnsdeay …at 5 am 2 Indians Arived browght 14 baver & 40 lbs of gren baver flesh which they Traded for brandey powder and Tobacco and at 4 pm they returned to ther Tent … Folio 7

1795 November 8th Sundeay …at 3 pm on Indian Arived browght 12 bever Skens and 20 lb of gren bever flesh Folio 7d
1795 November 9th Mondeay ….Mayself Trading withe the Indian and at a11 am he went away Folio 7d
1795 November 13th
Frideay …at 4 pm on Indian Arrived browght 20 beaver Skens Folio 7d
1795 November 14th
Saturdeay …this day Traded with the Indian and got redey to go with him to his tent …. Folio 7d
1795 November 15th Sundeay …at nin am 2 Men and may Self Seat of with the Indian and waked till night then pot up Folio 7d
1795 November 16th Mondeay … at 5 am Seat of and waked till night then pot ope 3 frensh men along with to day Folio 7d
1795 November 17th Tusdeay ….at on pm Arived at the Indians Traded 22 baver Skens and 50 lbs of drid Mows flesh from them and returned Folio 7d
1795 November 18th Weadnsdeay …. At 5 am Set of and waked till 6 pm then pot ope Folio 8
1795 November 19th
Thursdeay ….at 4 pm Arived at the howse ….at 9 pm 2 Indians Arived browght 200 lbs gren ders flesh and 4 bever skens which they Traded Folio 8
1795 November 20th Frideay …At 5 am the 2 Indians went Away … Folio 8
1795 December 2th
Weadnsdeay drid mows flesh Folio 8d
1795 December 3th
Thursdeay Folio 8d
1795 December 15th Tusdeay …. The Taller making Indian Clothing Folio 9
1795 December 30th Weadnsday …. The Taller Making Indian Clothing ….at 9 pm 3 Indians arived browght [415?] baver 50 lbs of drid Mows flesh also 2 men gating readey to go to ther Tents at 2 pm the 2 men and on Indian Set of Folio 9d
1795 December 31th
Thursdeay …May Self Trading with the Indians at 10 am they went away Folio 9d
1796 Janury 8th
Friday …at 2 pm 2 Indians Arived brought 40 bever also the 2
Men Arived that went to the Indians 9 days A go brawght 20 baver of Sortes Folio 10
1796 Janury 9th Saturday ….May Self Trading with the Indians that Arived yesterday Folio 10
1796 Janury 10th Sundeay …at 10AM the 2 Indians went away Folio 10
1796 Janury 11th
Mondeay ….the Taller making Indian Clothing… Folio 10
1796 Janury 18th
Tusdeay ….the Taller making Indian Clothing… Folio 10d

1796 Janury 23th
Saturdeay ….at 7 pm 2 Indians arived for men to com for A few bever and Sum [provesans] Folio 10d
1796 Janury 24th Sundeay …. At 8 pm on Indian Arived browght 6 baver 100 lb of gren Mauus flessh Folio 10d
1796 Janury 25th Mondeay ….at 6 am I set of with the Indian that arrived yesterday and waked till 9 pm then Arived at the Tent and Marked 3 baver Cotes also Traded 7 beaver Also 2 Caneadins Arived at 3 pm returned Folio 10d
1796 Janury 26th Tusdeay ….at 7 pm I arrived at the House Folio 10d
1796 Febr 2th
Tusdeay ….at 3 pm on Indian Arived for aman to stay with him I hav sent John forbes to stay with him Folio 11
1796 Febr 7th Sundeay …at on pm A Indian arived for men to fech flessh Folio 11
1796 Febr 8th
Mondeay ….Last night 2 Men and May Self went for to the Indian
Tent Traded 150 lb of gren Mows flesh &c and 14 bever Folio 11
1796 Febr 15th Mondeay ….John Forbes And on Indian Arived browght 23 bever 60 lbs of half drid Mows flessh Folio 11d
1796 Febr 16th
Tusdeay ….May Self Trading with the Indian that arrived yesterday at 10 am he went away Folio 11d
1796 Febr 23th Tusdeay ….at 2 pm 2 Indians Arived browght 10 bever Skens & 40 lbs of Gren Bever flessh Folio 12
1796 Febr 24th Weadensdeay Folio 12
1796 March 2th
Weadnsedeay … at on pm on Indian Arived for Men to fech 2 Mows at 2 pm 2 Men and May Self Seat of with the Indian at 6 pm arived at the Tent Traded 350 lb of gren Mows flesh and 3 bever Skens Folio 12d
1796 March 3th
Thursdeay …. At a11 AM arived at the How Howse 2 Indians Arived the last night John Sebeston & John Simpson is gon with then bot is Taken asmall qwantety of Trading goods with him which In forses me to Send the 2 Men away to them

wear at agret los her the Cneadins is 16 Men and we ar bot 6 it Can not be thowght that we Can Gat much with them Folio 12d
1796 March 4th Frideay …. At 9 pm th 2 Men returned browght nothing Folio 12d
1796 March 8th
Tusdeay ….at 2 pm John Sebston & John Simpson arived from the
Indians browght 2 baver Skens Folio 12d
1796 March 14th
Mondeay …. on Indian Arived the Last night for Men to go with him to his Tent thes day gating radey to Set of to morew Folio 13

1796 March 15th
Tusdeay …. at 6 am Set of with the Indian and waked till 7 pm then put ope Folio 13
1796 March 16th Weadensdey ….at 11 am arived at the Indians Traded 20 baver from them 100 lbs of half drid Mows flesh from them and got redey to return Folio 13
1796 March 17th Thursdeay …. At on A Clok the last night Left the Indians and waked till 6 pm then Arived at the Howse Folio 13
1796 March 18th Frideay .…at 10 AM on Indian arived for Men to fech 4 der that he killed the Last day the men employed fecheing hom flesh Folio 13
1796 March 25th Saturdeay …. At 2 pm 2 Indian Men Arived browght 5 bever 80 lbs of gren mows flesh also Sent 2 Men to ther Tent Folio 13d
1796 March 27th Sundeay …. at a 11 am the 2 Men arived browght 12 bever Skens Folio 13d
1796 March 29th
Tusdeay ….at 3 pm Huey Lesk and Indian boy browght our paket that was Sent from york factry in the fall of the yer Folio 13d
1796 March 30th Weadnsdeay …. fiting awt Hway Lesk that is to Set of to morew if weather and helth primets Folio 14
1796 March 31th
Thursdeay …. At 5 am Huey Lesk and the Indian boy sent by Huey
Lesk 1000 flentes 5 lb of ball [virremillen]… Folio 14
1796 Aprill 1
Frideay Folio 14
1796 Aprill 2th
Saturdeay Folio 14
1796 Aprill 3th
Sundeay …. at a 11 am on Tent of Indians Arived browght on baver Sken Folio 14
1796 Aprill 6th Weadnsdeay …. at 5 am the 2 men arived from the Indians browght 20 baver thes day I gave riging to A Chieef Leding Indian Folio 14
1796 Aprill 8th
Frideay …. May Self pstrered with 3 Tnts of Indians that that is ben drunk thes 3 days past Folio 14
1796 Aprill 9th
Saturdeay …. at 8. am 2 Tents of Indians went a way Folio 14d
1796 Aprill 10th
Sundeay …. at 2 pm on Tent of Indians Arived browght 15 baver Folio 14d
1796 Aprill 12th Tusdeay …. at 3 pm on Tent of Indians Arived browght 10 baver thes day …. Folio 14d
1796 Aprill 13th Weadensdeay …. at a 11 am on Tent of Indians went away Folio 14d
1796 Aprill 14th Thursdeay …. at 10 am on Tent of Indians went away also _ John forbbs went along with them to halp them to tak 3 baver Howses that is ashort distens from the Howse Folio 14d

1796 Aprill 15th
Frideay …. the Taller Making Indian Clothing at on pm a Indian Arived for a seplay of powder and shot Tobaco & brandey which he got Folio 14d
1796 Aprill 16th Saturdeay …. at 7 pm the Indian went away Folio 14d
1796 Aprill 19th
Tusdeay …. At 2 pm 2 Indians Arived browght 9 baver skens Folio 15
1796 21th
Thursdeay …. At 3 pm on Indian arived browght 5 bever skens which he
Traded and emedly went a way Folio 15
1796 27th Aprill Weadnsdeay …. at 11 am 2 Tents of Indians Arived but browght nothing the Cnadians is giveing the Indians Liker for nothing which makes Me doing the Sem the Indians All drunk Folio 15d
1796 28th
Thursdeay …. the Indians drunk as befor and verey [Trwblswm]…. Folio 15d
1796 May 7th Saturdeay …. to day also sent 2 Indians in hunting Folio 16
1796 May 10th Tusdeay ….. 3 pm on Canow arived browght 8 geas &c &c on baver which they Traded for brandey Folio 16
1796 May 11th Weadnsdeay ….. also Sent 2 Indian Canows in hunting of baver Folio 16
1796 May 13th
Frideay …. A 2 pm [2]2 Canows of Indians Arived browght 16 baver
7 gess [&] 60 lbs of gren bever flessh Folio 16
1796 May 14th Saturdeay Folio 16
1796 May 15th Sundeay Folio 16d
1796 May 17th
Tusdeay …. At 11 am on Indian Arived browght 10 bever & 12 gess part of which he Traded for brandey Folio 16d
1796 May 23th
Mondeay …. The Canedins embark for the pik Rever on of ther men cam her to go to the Factry and the enter in the Companes Servies if exept of Folio 16d
1796 May 24th Tusdeay …. At a 11 am 2 Canoes of Indians Arived browght 28 bever on of them got rigin the Indians all drunk and verey Trwblsum Misecam eskem and all his young fellews is ben her above Amonth they ar ben Mor expences then All the rest of the Indians thhat is ben her thes yer – Indians is kiled no Skens thes yer that is worth to spek of it is not Seprising the Canedins is Wested a Canowe Cargo of goods and is got bot 4 ½ bunels of furs it Canot be thowght that I can pay for the goods If I had not given encoregment in the fall I showld had nothing _ the Canedian Mastr Told me him Self it was not for the profetts that they Cam to this plesss it was to kep the Compney from sepleying the nored with men and Canows it [ps] excus Me for what I have menchened Folio 17

1796 May 25th Weadnsday …. the MEN gating redey to embark to morew if weather and helth permits thes day fited out 2 Canows of Indians with powder and shot to kill bever with at 2 pm they went away Folio 17
1796 May 26th
Thursdeay … thes day variosly employed at the howse Folio 17

Used with permission from The Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Archives of Manitoba, Cross Lake Post Journal, 1795-1796, HBCA B.268/a/1

Appendix C: Transcriptions excerpted from HBCA B.228/a/1, Wegg’s House Post Journal, 1795-1796, by William Sinclair.
HBCA B.228/a/1
Wegg’s House Post Journal [Wegge’s House]
1795-1796

William Sinclair
1795
August 17th
Monday ….arrived at lower end of grass river, with two Canoes loaded with trading goods and six men, accompanied by Mr Ross and a few Indians &c. Folio 4
1795
August 19th
Wednesday Mr. Ross embark,d for reed lake house, sent three men to fetch the remains of trading goods from there. engag,d two Indians to fetch the men and remains of trading goods from the Nestoowyaws or three points.[Nelson House?]. Folio 4
1795
August 20th
Thursday …men clearing a place to lay the foundation of the house on…at 1 PM four Indians went a hunting … Folio 4
1795
August 25 Tuesday …at 2 P.M two Indians arrived at the house with some
Moose meat and three beaver skins… Folio 4d
1795
August 29 Saturday ….at 5 P.M. five Indian Canoes came to the house with two Indian Canoes to trade and two beaver skins. Folio 4d
1795 September 5
Saturday r Folio 5
1795 September 6
Sunday ….at 1 PM two Indians came to the House the flesh of one
Moose Folio 5
1795 September7
Monday …at 4 PM two french men arrived at the house they were starving, the Indian that arrived yesterday set off to his relations Folio 5
1795 September 9
Wednesday …sent two Indians a hunting, at 10 AM the two french [“men” inserted] set off back again. Folio 5d
1795 September 19
Saturday … at 3 PM five Indians came to the house with 20 beaver sinsand a little moose meat,… Folio 6
1795 September 20
Sunday …at 3 P.M. three Indian Canoes set off the rest remain at the house…. Folio 6
1795 September 21
Monday …at 8 AM a Indian woman came to the house with three geese Folio 6
1795 September 28
Monday ….at 4 P.M. six french men arrived from the grand Portise with trading goods in one large Canoe at 6 P.M. they set off higher up the Country to winter being apprehensive of Starving at this place Folio 6d

1795 September 30
Wednesday …at 5 PM four Indians arrived from York Fort with Letters &c. Folio 6d
1795 October 2nd Friday ….at 4 PM two Indians came to the House with 60 lbs of moose meat and six beaver skins Folio 6d
1795 October 3rd Saturday …at 6 PM the Indian that arrived yesterday set off… Folio 6d
1795 October 4
Sunday …at 4 PM three Canoes of arrived they brought 170 lbs of
Moose meat Folio 6d
1795 October 7
Wednesday ….at 7 P.M 4 Canoes of Indians came to the to take up debt they brought 10 beaver skins and 30 lbs of beaver flesh Folio 7
1795 October 8
Thursday ….employed giving the Indians debt gave a few presents to some of the chiefs Folio 7
1795 October 9
Friday …the Indians that took debt yesterday set off to there famalies… Folio 7
1795 October 17
Saturday ….at 5 PM two Canoes of Indians came to the house with 32 beaver skins and 36 lbs of beaver flesh Folio 7d
1795 October 18
Sunday …the Indians that came yesterday took up Debt Folio 7d
1795 October 19
Monday … at 8 AM the Indians set off to their famalies… Folio 7d
1795 November 7
Saturday PM… Folio 8d
1795 November 8
Sunday …at 11 AM a Indian came to the house with 23 beaver in skins traded and set off to his relations. Folio 8d
1795 November 9
Monday … at 10 AM 6 Indian men and there famalies came to the house with 70 beaver skins and a few pounds of Castorum beaver scraps &c…. Folio 9
1795 November 10
Tuesday ….the Indians remain drinking at the house…. Folio 9
1795 November 11
Wednesday …. the Indians all went off sent John Corrigall to tent with them to prevent them from going to the Canadians… Folio 9
1795 November 17
Tuesday …. At 10 PM two Indian boys came to the house with the meat off two beaver and one beaver skin, at 1 PM they returned back again to there tents sent Wm Corrigal to tent with them Folio 9d
1795 November 18
Wednesday …. At 8 AM Wm Corrigall came from the for men to fetch deers meat at 10 AM sent six men to bring home Deers flesh beaver skins &c. Folio 9d
1795 November 19
Thursday ….the men returned back from the Indians with 643 pounds of venison a few beaver skins … Folio 9d
1795 November 28
Saturday ……..at 2 PM a Indian came to the House with three beaver skins he had kill,d one Moose and three deer Folio 10

1795 November 29
Sunday ….at 7 PM the Indian that came yesterday set off to his tent sent four men along with him to fetch moose meat beaver skins &c Folio 10
1795 December 1st Tuesday …at 11 AM Wm Corrigall came from the Indians tent he informed me that they had kill,d a moose and sent for me to trade it Folio 10
1795 December 2nd
Wednesday ….at 7 AM sent four men to fetch the flesh of a moose and two pair of snow shoe frames. Folio 10
1795 December 3 Thursday …at 2 P.M the men returned from the Indians Tents with 16 beaver skins and 613 pounds of Moose flesh a few pounds of Castorum. &c. Folio 10d
1795 December 4 Friday …men preparing to go to the Neest,oo wy,aws to fetch the beaver skins left there in summer Folio 10d
1795 December 7 Monday …at 5 A.M sent off five english men along with a Indian to haul the beaver from the Neest, oo, wyaws procurd there in summer. Folio 10d
1795 December 15 Tuesday ….at 10 AM a Indian came to the house with word to fetch the meat of a Moose he had kill,d the day before Folio 11
1795 December 16 Wednesday …at 2 PM two english men and two Indians came to the house with 372 pounds of Moose and deers flesh. Folio 11
1795 December 17 Thursday Folio 11
1795 December 18 Friday …. At 8 AM the Indian boy that went with the english men set off to his tent Folio 11
1795 December 20 Sunday ….at 2 PM a Indian came to the house with 6 beaver skins traded and set off to his tent Folio 11d
1795 December 21st Monday … at 8 AM two Indians came to the house for brandy and tobacco &c … Folio 11d
1795 December 22
Tuesday …sent four men to fetch beaver skins and moose meat &c Folio 11d
1795 December 23 Wednesday ….at 10 AM a Indian came to the house with word to fetch the meat of a moose at 1 PM sent a english man and two dogs to bring the meat to the house. Folio 11d
1795 December 24 Thursday …the man that went off yesterday returned with 215 pounds of moose flesh &c. Folio 11d
1795 December 25 Friday … at 3 PM three Indians came to the with 69 beaver skins
100 pounds of moose meat and 35 pounds of beaver flesh Folio 11d
1795 December 26 Saturday ….the Indians that came yesterday set off to there tents Folio 11d
1795 December 27
Sunday …hugh Leask very ill with a complaint in his bowels… Folio 12

1795 December 29 Tuesday …Thos Stanger and Hugh Leask badly with a complaint in theire bowels Folio 12
1796
January 1st Friday …two Indian boys came to the house with 20 beaver skins and 40 lbs of Venison Folio 12
1796
January 2nd
Saturday ….at 9 AM both the Indians set of to there tent sent the
Indians two gallons of brandy four pounds of tobacco &c. Folio 12
1796 January 5th Tuesday …at 3 PM a Indian lad came to the house for men to fetch Moose flesh Folio 12d
1796 January 6th Wednesday ….at 7 AM sent four men along with the Indian to bring home the Moose meat and 10 [bear]skins Folio 12d
1796 January 7
Thursday …. At 3 PM the english men returned with 309 pounds of moose meat &c. Folio 12d
1796 January 10 Sunday …. At 2 PM a Old Indian man and his wife came to the house starving – they had been many days without any kind of nourishment to subsist on Folio 12d
1796 January 13
Wednesday ….the old Indian man very bad with a complaint in his bowels… Folio 13
1796 January 14
Thursday …taylor making Indian … Folio 13
1796 January 16
Saturday Folio 13
1796 January 17
Sunday …the Indians that came yesterday starving I gave them as much Provisions as I could spare and sent them to there tents Folio 13
1796 January 18
Monday ….sent Wm Corrigalle to tent with the Indians that went off yesterday. Folio 13
1796 January 28
Thursday ….at 3 PM one Indian came to the house with 5 beaver skins Folio 13d
1796 January 29
Friday … at 9 A.M sent four men to fetch deers meat and a few deer skins &c.. sent Robt Garroch to french Indians to entice them to come to the house. Folio 13d
1796 January 30th
Saturday …at 6 PM John Corrigal and a Indian came to the the [sic] house with 34 beaver skins and 32 pounds of dried venison Folio 14
1796 January 31st Sunday … at 11 AM the Indian and John Corrigal set off to there tent Folio 14
1796 Feby 2nd Tuesday …at 2 PM the english men returned back from the Indians with 234 lbs of venison 10 beaver skins and 10 pounds of Castorum Folio 14
1796 Feby 8th Monday …at 6 P.M two Indians came to the House with 27 beaver skins and 65 lbs of beavers flesh Folio 14d
1796 Feby 9
Tuesday …….sent the Indian a hunting at 3 PM he returned he returned killd three deer weight 250 pounds Folio 14d

1796 Feby 10
Wednesday ….sent two english men along with the Indians that came to the House two days ago to fetcc beaver skins &c. Folio 14d
1796 Feby 18
Thursday …at 4 PM the english men returned from the Indians with 67
Beaver skins … Folio 15
1796 Feby 22nd
Monday ….at 1 P.M. two Indian wemon [women] came to the house with 55 pounds of venison and six beaver Skins Folio 15
1796 Feby 23rd
Tuesday ….sent four men to fetch Venison from the Indian tents… Folio 15
1796 Feby 25
Thursday ….at 8 AM men returned back again from the Indians with
107 pounds of venison and two beaver skins Folio 15d
1796 March 7
Monday …Hugh Leask froze his fingers at the fishing holes. Folio 16
1796 March 8
Tuesday … at 6 A.M two Indian wemon came to the house with 75 pounds of half dried Deers meat Folio 16
1796 March 9
Wednesday …. The Indian wemon set off to there tent Folio 16
1796 March 19
Saturday …two Indians came to the with 40 Beaver skins and a few pounds of Castorum Folio 16d
1796 March 20
Sunday …the Indians that came yesterday set off to there tent. sent a few of the oldest men brandy and Tobacco . Folio 16d 1796 March 24 Thursday Folio 16d 1796 March 25 Friday … at 11 AM sent four men along with the Indians that came yesterday to bring home beaver skins moose flesh &c. Folio 17 1796 March 26 Saturday …engaged a Indian boy to go to cross Lake along with a English man for some articles of trading Goods, that I have run short off Folio 17
1796 March 27
Sunday … at 6 AM the Indian and English man set off to cross lake with Letters. Folio 17
1796 March 28 Monday … . at 7 PM the Indians that went of yesterday came back again they had killd 6 deer at 10 the english men came back with 398 lbs of moose and deers meat having about 3000 pounds of Moose and deers meat in the House I dischargedthe Indians to bring any more to the house, as I had sufficient of provisions along with fish to serve the men out regular.. once aweek Folio 17
1796 April 2
Saturday ….at 8 AM a Indian boy came to the house with 7 beaver skins traded and set off to his tent. Folio 17d
1796 April 9
Saturday …at 5 PM two Indian boys came to the house with 7 beaver skins. Folio 17d
1796 April 10
Sunday …the Indian boy set off to there tent. Folio 18

1796 April 12
Tuesday …. At 11 AM six Indians and therre famalies came to the house with 150 MBr and 10 pounds of Castorum &C, rige,d two of the oldest Captains – and gave some of the young men coats as encouragement, brandy tobacco &c. Folio 18
1796 April 13
Wednesday … the Indians that came yesterday remain drinking at the House – Folio 18
1796 April 14
Thursday …the Inds traded and set off …. At 1 PM one of the Indian boys returned with a Goose they had killd. Folio 18
1796 April 16
Saturday ….at 10 AM four Indians and therre famalies came to the House and Wm Corrigall who hast tented with them ever since November and keept them from going to the Canadians with part of their hunt Folio 18
1796 April 17
Sunday ….at 11 A.M. the Indians that came yesterday set off to theire
Canoe building place Folio 18d
1796 April 19
Tuesday ….at 1 PM a Indian came to the House with 60 beaver skins &c. Folio 18d
1796 April 20
Wednesday .…at 1 PM the Indian traded and set to his famalie – Folio 18d
1796 April 21st Thursday …. At 2 PM two Indians and Robt Garroch came to the house with 40 beaver skins and two beaver Coats – Folio 18d
1796 April 25
Monday ….. the Indians that came three days ago set off to the tent. Folio 18d
1796 April 26
Tuesday Folio 19
1796 April 27
Wednesday ….at ½ 6 AM the Indian set of to his tent at 10 A.M. three Indians came to the house with 60 beaver skins and three beaver coats, gave them all coats, the, above three Indians hast not traded at any of your, Honors Settlements these many years, which makes me be at, great expenses with them Folio 19
1796 April 28
Thursday ….the Indians that came yesterday set off to there famalies, I have received from the above Indians 200 MBr this winter Folio 19
1796 May 4
Wednesday …. At 3 PM three Indians arrived with 56 beaver skins and
40 lbs of beaver flesh Folio 19d
1796 May 5
Thursday …the Indians that came yesterday set off. Folio 19d
1796 May 10
Tuesday ….at 4 PM the Indians that arrived five days ago set off a hunting – Folio 19d
1796 May 13 Friday ….at 4 P.M two Indians came to the house with 50 beaver skins and 20 pounds of beavers flesh Folio 20
1796 May 14
Saturday ….taylor making Indian Coats. Folio 20
1796 May 20 Friday …. At 2 PM two Canoes of Indians arrived with 10 beaver skins… Folio 20

1796 May 21st
Saturday ….at 8 AM the Indians set off to [“there” inserted] famalies – sent four _ bundles of furs along with them to York Fort and letters._ Folio 20
1796 May 24
Tuesday ….two Indians came to the [“House” inserted] they brought
20 beaver skins-_ Folio 20d
1796 May 25
Wednesday …. At 9 AM two french men came to the House from cross lake – to wait for one of there _ canoes that intends to come this way this spring Folio 20d
1796 May 27 Friday ….at 10 A.M the two french men set off to cross lake Folio 20d
1796 May 28
Saturday …. At 2 PM 12 Canoes of Indians Arrived with 500 beaver and 20 pounds of Castorum_ rige,d two of the Oldest Indians and gave Coats to many of the children Folio 20d
1796 May 29th Sunday … the Indians remain on the plantation, traded 20 beaver skins from them _ Folio 21
1796 May 30
Monday ….two Canoes of the Indians went a hunting _ the rest remain as before Folio 21
1796 May 31st Tuesday …three Canoes of the Indians embarked for York Fort:- Folio 21
1796 June 1st
Wednesday ….at 5 AM embark,d for york Fort with two large Canoes, and two Canoes of Indians with nearly 1650 MBr Carryed over three carraying places and put up [in] grass river_ Folio 21
1796 June 2nd Thursday …. at 4 PM put up in the Vermilion Lake Folio 21
1796 June 4
Saturday Folio 21
1796 June 9
Thursday …. at 4 PM put up at the Narrow of the Split Lake _ 6 Canoes of Indians in Company _ [got to the log tent 12 June] Folio 21d
1796 June 19
Sunday ….at 3 PM arrive,d safe at york Fort_ Folio 22

Wegg’s House Post Journal, 1795-1796, by William Sinclair HBCA B.228/a/1

Wegg’s House Post Journal, 1795-1796, by William Sinclair HBCA B.228/a/1

Appendix D: Transcriptions from Library and Archives Canada,
Masson Collection, Journals, “Journal for 1805 & 6,
Cross Lake by an unidentified wintering partner.” MG 19, C1, vol. 9.

Library and Archives Canada
Masson Collection
Journals
“Journal for 1805 & 6, Cross Lake” by an unidentified wintering partner.
MG 19, C1, vol. 9
cover “Journal of a wintering at Cross Lake 1805-1806” cover
Cross Lake – say Latitude 55-10 West 970 Long 2
[first page] Friday 13 Septr I left Mr Venables at Pike River with Lorin and 4 men to winter _a Canoe and [lists goods]

….about 16 ps with all the Indians that I found there and a Guide to go down to where Mr. SinClare winters, and get more if possible _ I Came and Camp Nier the Carring place that night 3
[1805
September]
Saturday 14 Set off and Came down to the Second Portage_ Folio 4
[1805
September]
Sunday 15 Folio 4
[1805
September]
Munday 16 I sent of Durocher one way and went another myself in Charch of the Indians we found their incamptments in the Islands about the Lake, but none lately_ Folio 4
[1805
September]
Tuesday 17 Still in quest of the Indians but to no purpose, we returned back to where I left the rest of the men Folio 4
[1805
September]
Wednesday 18 I determined to have the men of one Canoe to build and go down the English Track with the others in [folio 5] hopes of faling in with Some of the H.Bay peoples Indians &c Folio 4- 5
[1805
September]
Thursday 19 I went off without guide or any one that new thi way excepting that I had past onc’d 12 yrs ago, we Came down to the 3d Portage from Cross Lake that day Folio 5
[1805
September] Friday 20 we set off and mad out to Come to the nixt Lake when I found awouned goose which I killd & found that hi had not long been wouned we campt that night at the enterence of the Lake of Cepiwisk_ Folio 5
[1805
September]
Saturday 21 we set [“off” inserted] and found where 2 men had been hunting not long before, we Coasted along till [folio 6] we Came to the old forts where we Campt that night fired Guns &c &c Folio 5 -6

[1805
September]
Sunday 22d we Set off and went to aplace where I wintered Some years ago and found more fresh Tracks lookd about all that day but found none_ Folio 6
[1805
September]
Munday 23d We Set off and on our way down towards the long Portage I heared agun – we fired and was answered by the Indians _ we found 2 Lodges say, 13 Men that was waiting for the English I given them 2 Large kegs Rum and Cloth-ed the Chiefs and all their Children & prevailed on them to Come up and winter with me at Cross Lak or duck Lake Folio 6
[1805
September]
Tuesday 24 about midday I got thim off we past by the English House where the Indians put Marks for the English that they mite find them on their arrivall _ I sent thim all off & [folio 7] remained behind for we was only 2 men in the [large] Canoe all this day as I was obliged to put the men in the Indian Canoes to get them on as the one half of them was drunk _ after they were all gone I Turned all their marks quite the other way _ and did not tutch any thing in the House for if I had they would know that some of our people had been that way I got that night neir out of the Lake for I made all hast possible to get them out of the way Folio 6-7
[1805
September]
Wednesday 25 we set off and got to the third Carring Place where I was obliged to give the Indians another [folio 8] house and Campt there that Night. Folio 7-8
[1805
September]
Thursday 26 Folio 8
[1805
September]
Friday 27 we got them off and arrived that night at Cross Lake where the other men were building I was again abliged to give them to drink and Cloth their [waives] all in hopes for the best they drank all night Folio 8
[1805
September]
Saturday 28 the Indians Still drinking and the men building Folio 8
[1805
September] Sunday 29 I wanted to know where they wished to winter they [folio 9] they told me that one Lodge woud winter in Cross Lake, and that the other wished to winter in duck Lake and if I woud Sen aCanoe with them that they woud give me all their trade I told them that I woud and that I woud go and build the house at Duck Lake and have people there, and Come back and winter heare myself which they were verry well pleased at &c. Folio 8-9

[1805
September]
Munday 30 I got all off after given them amunition and guns on Cr. &c and
2 more Kegs Rum which they drank together before they Parted which was 9 Kegs Mix Rum they [folio 10] Cost me before I got them This far and offs, but if they mak their usual hunt I’ll mak it up Folio 9-10
[1805 October]
Tuesday 1
October I got the Indians divided those for Duck Lake I went off with and took 10 ps of goods &c I left the men building excepting them that I was to leave at duck Lake _ we got that night to the 3d Portage _ Folio 10
[1805 October]
Wednesday 2d we got off and got that night about half way over Duck Lake the Indians wint hunt.g and killd 30 geese and agood many duck_ Folio 10
[1805 October]
Thursday 3 we got one of the Indians to guide us to the place where they wanted me to build and I told [folio 11] the others to hunt as we had no provisions, we got to the place Early in the day _ and Cleare’d the plan for the House, and set anet Folio 10-11
[1805 October]
Friday 4 we raised the Square of the House, and caught 8 fish in our Net Folio 11
[1805 October]
Saturday 5 Still building, the Indians arrived and brought 3, otter and agood many geese & Ducks I was obliged to give them to drink Say half keg mix Rum in the Course of the night &c Folio 11
[1805 October]
Sunday 6 Folio 11-12
[1805 October]
Munday 7 I set off after leaving 4 men and 8 [ps ]of goods I got that night half way – to Cross Lake Folio 12
[1805 October]
Tuesday 8 we set off and Came to Cross Lake that night and found the House and Shop must finished_ Folio 12
[1805 October]
Wednesday 9 buildin, the [Nibsinqu] that Came with me from [P? B?]R [folio 13] Arrived and brought 2 otters 30 M rats I given him to drink for the rats_ Folio 12-13
[1805 October]
Thursday 10 Still building we get plenty of fish _ Nothing new Folio 13

[1805 October]
Friday 11 building Nothing New Folio 13

[1805 October]
Saturday 12 Nothing New Folio 13
[1805 October]
Sunday 13 2 Young Men Came and brought 3 Beaver 50 M rats I given thim 2 Gall Rum and amunition for thim and Sent Some Tobacco to the others &c Folio 13
[1805 October]
Munday 14,
Tuesday 15,
Wednesday 16,
Thursday 17 [all days Nothing New] Folio 13
[1805 October]
Friday 18 one of the Indians Came and brought 1 otter 43 M rats he took Strauds for all_ Folio 14
[1805 October]
Saturday 19 Still building got all the goods in the Shop_ Folio 14
[1805 October]
Sunday 20th The Nibisinqu is gone hunting up the Pine River Nothing New Folio 14
[1805 October]
Munday 21,
Tuesday 22,
Wednesday 23,
Thursday 24,
Friday 25,
Saturday 26 [Nothing New] Folio 14
[1805 October]
Sunday 27 Too of the Indians arrived and brought 3 Beavers and 2 Otters
33 M rats for which they [folio 15] took [Stroud] I given them
2 Gall Keg of Rum to give the others and some Tobacco &c_ Folio 14-15
[1805 October]
Munday 28 Nothing New plenty fish Folio 15
[1805 October]
Tuesday 29,
Wednesday 30,
Thursday 31 [Nothing New] Folio 15
[1805 October]
Friday 1st
November 2 Young lads came and brought 30 M. rats 1 otter for which they took [Stroud] Folio 15
[1805
November] Saturday 2 the [Nibesenqu] arrived and brought Some rats and Ducks and told me he wished to go & hunt in Pike River, I told him that was the same thing to me Folio 15
[1805
November] Sunday 3d the [Nibesinqu] went off for Pike River I wrote [folio 16] Mr Venables by him Nothing More Folio 15-16

[1805
November]
Munday 4,
Tuesday 5,
Wednesday 6,
Thursday 7,
Friday 8,
Saterday 9 [Nothing New] Folio 16
[1805
November]
Sunday 10 Finished the buildings I given 2 Quarts Rum to the men and Some Wild Rice and Ducks _ Folio 16
[1805
November]
Munday 11 NothingNew Folio 16
[1805
November]
Tuesday 12 I got the Canoes put up for the winter plenty fish Folio 16
[1805
November]
Wednesday 13;
Thursday 14 NothingNew Folio 16
[1805
November]
Friday 15 Tobacco Folio 16
[1805
November]
Saturday 16,
Sunday 17,
Munday 18,
Tuesdya 19,
Wednesday 20 [NothingNew] Folio 17
[1805
November]
Thursday 21 Too Indians arrived and brought 52 M rats 2 otters 5 minks for which they took [Strouds?] and aminition I given them 2 Gal Keg Rum for the _ other Indians that was with them &c Folio 17
[1805
November]
Friday 22 Nothing New plenty fish Folio 17
[1805
November]
Saturday 23 2 men Came from Duck Lake for Some things that was wanting there and told me all the Indians had been in and got Cr and gone up the River to hunt _ I sent word to the men there not to loose their Track, by going to them after in Case Some of [folio 18] the Hbay people mite fall on their Campments &c &c Folio 17-18
[1805
November] Sunday 24 I sent off the 2 men that came from D. Lake in a Small Canoe Folio 18

[1805 November]
Monday 25,
Tuesday 26,
Wednesday 27,
Thursday 28, Friday 29,
Saturday 30 [Nothing New] Folio 18
[1805 December]
Sunday 1st
December we set our Nets under the Ice we got good many fish Nothing New the Cold is set in So that I’ll keep an account of the Cold [thermometric readings recorded left margin, I have not transcribed here. These run in he pages following as well] Folio 18
[1805 December]
Munday 2,
Tuesday 3,
Wednesday 4,
Thursday 5,
Friday 5,
Saturday 7 [Nothing New] Folio 18
[1805 December]
Sunday 8 2 Indians Came and brought afew Skins and want 2 Men to go and get what the other Indians had &c Folio 19
[1805 December]
Munday 9 I sent 2 men with the Indians Nothing more that day Folio 19
[1805 December]
Tuesday 10 Folio 19
[1805 December]
Wednesday 11 I sent off 2 men with the Indians to mark the roade So that I
[caud] Sen whom I pleased to their Lodges in the Winter &c Folio 19
[1805 December]
Thursday 12,
Friday 13,
Saterday 14 [Nothing New] Folio 19
[1805 December]
Sunday 15,
Munday 16, Tuesday 17 [Nothing New] Folio 20
[1805 December]
Wednesday 18 I ordered 2 men to get ready to go with the winter express to Pike River where Mr. Venables Winterd and he was to Sen 2 men to Pigeon River with the letters and So till they got to [B. of h.a?] Folio 20
[1805 December]
Thursday 19 I was giting ready my letters &c. Folio 20

[1805
December]
Friday 20 Still writing &c Folio 20
[1805
December]
Saturday 21 Do [writing] Folio 20
[1805
December]
Sunday 22 I sent of Durosher and 2 men with the express and then I waint hunting down toward the Rapids fell in and was Carried away under the Ice and got out in nixt opening with much to do, too much to relate heare Folio 20
[1805
December]
Munday 23 Nothing excepting that I Cant write [crossed out] [folio 21] for the want of the use of my fingers part of what I left in the Ice on the 22d &c Folio 20-21
[1805
December]
Tuesday 24,
Wednesday 25,
Thursday 26,
Friday 27,
Saturday 28,
Sunday 29 [Nothing New] Folio 21
[1805
December]
Munday 30 Folio 21
[1805
December]
Tuesday 31 Nothing New Folio 21
[1806 January]
Wednesday 1
Jany 1806 I given the men 3 quarts Rum Sugar flour &c Folio 21
[1806 January]
Thursday 2 I sent 2 Men to Pine River in Case Some of the [folio 22] HBay people mite fal in with our Indians &c Folio 21-22
[1806 January]
Friday 3d I Sent down to Sepiwisk to See if the English were there &c Folio 22
[1806 January]
Saturday 4 2 Men Came from D Lake and told me the Caud not find their Indians being too Lasie to mark ther road, Canadian like, blast them all Folio 22
[1806 January]
Sunday 5 I sent of to D Lake & Desired them to do all [the] to find their Indians, and I set off for Pine River to get and Indian to Guide me to find the others & c Folio 22
[1806 January]
Munday 6 I got to the Indians Folio 22

[1806 January]
Tuesday 7 I got guide and Sent one of the Men that were with the Indians along with him and when the found the Indians the man was to remain with them [folio 23] them_ but if he cand get any of the Indians to Guide him he was to go to Duck Lak So that the road woud be kept open _ &c. Folio 22-23
[1806 January]
Wednesday 8 I came home Nothing more Folio 23
[1806 January]
Thursday 9 The men Came from Pike River that went with the letters, and informed me all was well and doing well there _ & [The Same Evening the men I Sent to Sipiwesk Arrived and informd me that the English were there and had not Seen an Indian exepty one that Came up with them _ that they were all the fall looking for the Indians till the Ice took them other ways they woud be up heare, but mi turning the Indian marks last fall put them a
Stray till it was too late for them to Come [folio 24] Up &c] Folio 23-24
[1806 January]
Friday 10 Nothing New Folio 24
[1806 January]
Saturday 11 the mane from the Indians at Pine River Came and told me that the Indian that Isent with the Man Came back and found the other Indians and left the man with them _ and that one of the
Young men would take him to D Lake Folio 24
[1806 January]
Sunday 12 Nothing New Folio 24
[1806 January]
Munday 13 Nothing New but too Cold for the men to go back to Pine River &c Folio 24
[1806 January]
Tuesday 14 I sent of too men for the Indians at Pine River and given them 2 Gall. Keg [of] Rum to give the Indians with Tobacco Amunition &c Folio 24
[1806 January]
Wednesday 15,
Thursday 16 [Nothing New] Folio 24
[1806 January]
Friday 17 Jany 2 Men Came from Duck Lake and enformed me that the man I
Sent to their Indians is Come to that place with and Indian &c Folio 25
[1806 January]
Saturday 18 Nothing New Folio 25
[1806 January]
Sunday 19 I sent of the men from DL and told them to not loos the road to their Indians again &c &c In the Same day Mr Venables arrived from Pike River and 2 Men from Poplar River from Mr McPhaul whom told mi that they had but few Indians awing to Mr Frasers good Conduct last winter they came for [Bales?] which I given them _ & Mr Venables, the first thing he told mi on his Comig in the House, was, that he Suposed I woud be Surprised if he was to [folio 26] tell me that he had no more Rum, I told him it was So much the better if he made good use of it and that was all that past that night on that Subjact_ Folio 25-26

[1806 January]
Munday 20 I askd Mr Venables if what he told [“me” inserted] last night was the Case, he told it really was, and that his Indians left him – and went as I told [“him” inserted] to the English, at little Winipic he told mi that he had about 2 Galln Rum
[rimanding- inserted] after taking 3 quarts of H.W. for to Come 2 days march, and had none for the last day, that he arrived _ I told him that he must set off in the morning & go home and then go down to little Winipic he told me he had not Guide I sent one with him &c Durocher_ Folio 26
[1806 January]
Tuesday 21 I sent of the worthless Venables. Nothing more that day Folio 26
[1806 January] Wednesday 22 through
Wednesday 29 [Nothing New] Folio 27
[1806 January]
Thursday 30 The men from the Indians at Pine River Cam back The Indians are all divided and all Starving Nothing more that day Folio 27
[1806 January]
Friday 31 Nothing New Folio 27
[1806 February]
Saturday 1 Feby Nothing New Folio 27
[1806 February]
Sunday 2 [NothingNew] Folio 27
[1806 February]
Munday 3 Durocher that I sent off with Mr Venables to guide him down to little Winipic Came back and told that Mr V. did Chose to go [folio 28] at present but woud go in afew days and that he did not want him Duracher told me all thim[Commavu?] there, tell thim, Venables Lorin his waif Bonenfin on Indian that he kept there and his waif Drank all the Rum in about four Months Say 6 Kegs H.W. their Scandless doings are too long to give adetail of heare_ Folio 27-28
[1806 February]
Tuesday 4,
Wednesday 5 [Nothing New] Folio 28
[1806 February]
Thursday 6 the men I sent to Pine River Came back along with 3 of the Indians almost Starved with hunger and told me if I did note Sen for the rest of them they would all die, as they coud not walk _ &c Folio 28

[1806 February]
Friday 7 I sent off 5 men to pine River with fish for the Indians & to bring those that Coud not walk & Folio 28
[1806 February]
Saturday 8 Nothing New Folio 28
[1806 February]
Sunday 9 through
Tuesday 11 [Nothing New]
Folio 29
[1806 February]
Wednesday 12 the men and Indians Came from Pine River, its Certain if I had not Sent the fish and men to help them on, they woud perish for thi best hunter among them coud not walk although one of the best in the in the North all owing to the Countrie being all burnt_ Folio 29
[1806 February] Thursday 13 through Tuesday
18 [Nothing New] Folio 29
[1806 February]
Wednesday 19 aman Came from DLake and informed me that their Indians had been in but made but Verry poor [folio 30] hunt and that they were all Starveing and had fel in with the only one Indian the English had just dieing with hunger So much reduced that he Coud not Walk, he or any one in the lodge Folio 29-30
[1806 February]
Thursday 20 Folio 30
[1806 February]
Friday 21 the Indians Still at the House they are giting Strong and I hope to get them off Soon again_ Folio 30
[1806 February] Saturday 22 through Tuesday 25 [Nothing New] Folio 30
[1806 February]
Wednesday 26 the men from D Lake Came back and informed me that they had been at the English Indian he had nothing excepting Rabit Skins & woud not [folio 31] have them if they were eatable, they hauld him [nere?] the house at D Lake to Save his life and I ordered the men there to give him fish till Such time as he woud be able to walk &c Folio 30-31
[1806 February]
Thursday 27 and
Friday 28 [Nothing New] Folio 31

[1806 March]
Saturday 1
March Nothing New The Indians Still at the House &c Folio 31
[1806 March]
Sunday 2 Nothing New Folio 31
[1806 March]
Munday 3 [Nothing New] Folio 31
[1806 March]
Tuesday 4 I got the Indians off by Sending men with them to haul fish, [lookly] them and us that we had plenty &c Folio 31
[1806 March]
Wednesday 5 the men Came back Folio 31
[1806 March]
Thursday 6 Nothing New Folio 31
[1806 March]
Friday 7 [Nothing New] Folio 31
[1806 March]
Saturday 8 I sent 2 men with fish to the Indians and Sent them ward [folio 32] word that if they coud not kill any thing to Sen their women for fish as I Coud not Spare the men &c Folio 31-32
[1806 March] Sunday 9 through Tuesday 11 [Nothing New] Folio 32
[1806 March]
Wednesday 12 I sent of to Duck Lake to See what was going on there &c Folio 32
[1806 March] Thursday 13 through Saturday 16 [Nothing New] Folio 32
[1806 March]
Sunday 16 the men from D Lake Came back and enformed mi that there Indians were between D L and this. &c Folio 32
[1806 March]
Munday 17 one of their Indians Came heare and brought 17 Skins &c [“Lorin” inserted under this entry] Folio 32
[1806 March]
Tuesday 18 I sent 2 men with the Indian to his lodge to get what he mite have &c Folio 32
[1806 March]
Wednesday 19 the men Came back & brought 2 drest Skins & 2 Cats & 2 Pr [Showes?] which was all that they had Folio 32
[1806 March]
Thursday 20 3 women Came from the other Indians for fish they had killd Nothing but 5 minks_ Folio 33
[1806 March]
Friday 21 Nothing New excetptg that Lorin Came from the Pike River and enformed me that Mr Venables & himself drank all the Rum and that the half of their Indians was gone to the English as they had not been well treated by Mr Venables &c Folio 33
[1806 March]
Saturday 22 Sent of Lorin and 2 men and orders to Venables to go & get his Cr from the Indians that he lost by his mis conduct &c. Folio 33

[1806 March]
Sunday 23 Nothing New Folio 33
[1806 March]
Munday 24 an Indian Came & brought 12 Skins &c Folio 33
[1806 March]
Tuesday 25 the Indian went off [folio 34] and I sent 2 Men to DLake to See how things were there & Folio 33-34
[1806 March]
Wednesday 26 Nothing New
[1806 March]
Thursday 27 five woman Came for fish and brought 4 Cats for which they took Cloth & Folio 34
[1806 March]
Friday 28 The men I sent to Duck Lake Cam back, and informed me that all was well there &c Folio 34
[1806 March]
Saturday 29 I sent [Rimond] to DL to remain with the Indians &c Folio 34
[1806 March]
Sunday 30,
Munday 31 [Nothing New] Folio 34
[1806 April]
Tuesday 1 April 2 Indians Came and brought 8 Cats Skins &c Folio 34
[1806 April]
Wednesday 2,
Thursday 3 [Nothing New] Folio 34
[1806 April]
Friday 4 the man I sent with Lorin to [folio 35] to the Pike River arrived with the Little Hunter and Lorins family – the Little Hunter Came to get Some Rum & Tabacco as Mr Venables has had none to give him These two months.he says that had I not been So kind to him last fall that he woud have gone to the Co when the others went, owing to the bad behaviour of the dog I left in Charge as he Calls him &c &c &c Folio 34-35
[1806 April]
Saturday 5 April the little hunter Still Drunk_ 2 Indians Came and brought 6 Cats given them to drink Folio 35
[1806 April]
Sunday 6 the little hunter went off I given him 2 Gall Rum to take with him. and 1 ½ fam Tabacco and Sent the Nibisinque 11/2 fam Tabacco & 1 Gall Rum &c the other Indians went off [folio 36] likeways I given them 2 Gall Rum Tabacco and Some amunition &c Folio 35-36
[1806 April]
Munday 7 Nothing New Folio 36
[1806 April]
Tuesday 8 Lajour Came and brought 3 Beavers & 5 Cats wint of the sam day &c Folio 36

[1806 April] Wednesday 9 I sent 2 men to DL to See what was going on there &c Folio 36
[1806 April]
Thursday 10 Nothing New Folio 36
[1806 April]
Friday 11 The Indian women Came for fish & brought 4 Cats for which I given them 2 Gall Rum [insert?]Tab. &c Folio 36
[1806 April]
Saturday 12 the men came from D.L. and informed that things were all well &c Folio 36
[1806 April]
Sunday 13 Nothing New Folio 36
[1806 April]
Munday 14 Only Seen [2 [Crawy] ?] Folio 36
[1806 April]
Tuesday 15 Two men Came from and brought 60 Skins &c &c Folio 36
[1806 April] Wednesday 16 The Snow begun to Melt Nothing New Folio 37
[1806 April]
Thursday 17 The Two men from Duck Lak went back for the remainder of the Skins &c Folio 37
[1806 April]
Friday 18 we Seen Two Swans Nothing New more Folio 37
[1806 April]
Saturday 19 an Indian Came & brought 6 Drest Skins and one otter &c Folio 37
[1806 April]
Sunday 20 Two Indians Came brought 6 Cats & 5 Minks they [brought?] 2 Gall Rum &c Folio 37
[1806 April]
Monday 21 Nothing New Folio 37
[1806 April]
Tuesday 22 We Saw Tow Gees Folio 37
[1806 April] Wednesday 23 Tow Indians Came & brought 12 Skins for which they took 2 Gall Rum & amunition &_ Folio 37
[1806 April]
Thursday 24 Nothing New Folio 37
[1806 April]
Friday 25 Three Indians Came I brought afew Skins and meat I given them 2 Gall Rum Tobacco &c Folio 38
[1806 April]
Saturday 26 Lajaur and his waif Came and paid his Cr Say 40 Skins I given him aCoat and his waif a fine Strouds aCapot a pr leggings Beads &c & 2 Gall Rum amunition &c Folio 38
[1806 April]
Sunday 27 Lajaur went off I sent 2 men with him for what what [sic] he had at his Lodge _ and 2 Men and an Indian Came from P. River and enformed me that Mr Venables did not go to Little Winipic, but only went ½ days March from the house and Staid away 7 days, and privaild on the men that was with him to Say that they fel in with [folio 39] the Indians and that they had nothing &c but Lorin found out that they did not go, and sent 2 Men to See where they went –and then they told that they did not wish to go &c how ever the men went, that is to Say, one man with one of those that was with Mr V [LaPort] _ I will give one hundred Livr of each of their wages to the man that wint and done their duty say [Jandron] Folio 39

[1806 April]
Monday 28 Nothing New Folio 39
[1806 April]
Tuesday 29 I Killd 6 geese Nothing New Folio 39
[1806 April] Wednesday 30 the Men from PR went off Some Indians Came and brought afew Skins &c went off the Same day Nothing More New Folio 39
[1806 May]
Thursday 1 May I killd 3 Geese 1 Otter 1 Mink Folio 40
[1806 May]
Friday 2 I killed 9 Geese &c Some Indians Came and brought 12 Geese
& 3 Cats given them Amunition and 2 Gall Rum went off The Same day Folio 40
[1806 May]
Saturday 3 Killd 13 Geese Nothing more Folio 40
[1806 May]
Sunday 4 2 Indians Came and brt a few Skins & 6 Geese I killd 3 Ditto Folio 40
[1806 May]
Munday 5 I sent the men for the Indian Canoes at the Rapids &c Folio 40
[1806 May]
Tuesday 6 Nothing new Folio 40
[1806 May]
Wednesday 7 Two Indians Came and brought 5 Skins & 5 Geese for which I given thim 2 Gal Keg Rum and Some amunition Folio 40
[1806 May]
Thursday 8 Nothing new I kill 8 Geese Folio 40
[1806 May]
Friday 9 I killd 2 Geese Nothing New Folio 40
[1806 May] Saturday 10th Two Indians Came and [“8 Skins” inserted] brot Folio 40
[1806 May]
Sunday 11 Nothing New Folio 41
[1806 May]
Munday 12 The Men that was at the [[Mar] fishiry] Came home but got but few fish awing to the greate Number that was did for want of weather in winter &c_ Folio 41
[1806 May]
Tuesday 13 I got the Canoes out of their winter beds &c_ Folio 41
[1806 May]
Wednesday 14 Nothing New Folio 41
[1806 May]
Thursday 15 begun to mend the Canoes & Nothing more Folio 41
[1806 May]
Friday 16 Still mending the Canoes &c Folio 41
[1806 May]
Saturday 17 Still mending the Canoes Two Indians Came and brought 10 Geese & 2 Beavers &c Folio 41

[1806 May]
Sunday 18 Nothing New Folio 41
[1806 May]
Munday 19 Three Indians Cam from P River and brought 7 Geese I given them 2lb powder & 12 Pints Rum they went off the same day &c Folio 42
[1806 May]
Tuesday 20 The men from DLake Cam I made the Packs &c Folio 42
[1806 May]
Wednesday 21 [I Set of to go to Pike River to make the Packs and Settle] with the Indians and Sen off The Canoes _ & I got hurt in Saving of the Canoes [from upsetting] &c &c Folio 42
[1806 May]
Thursday 22 in the Morning arived where the people and Indians of Pike River were I Settled with them and Sent them off _ and Came of my Self _ Came that Night to the last Portage _ &c with Lorin Folio 42
[1806 May]
Friday 23 we Set off and [folio 43] Came to Cross Lake took Inventory of what I left in Charge of Lorin Settled with the Indians and &c Folio 42-43
[1806 May]
Saturday 24 I set off for H.B. with 7 men and 3 Kegs Salt fish – which is all the provisions we had for that Voyage – we came that night to
Wolfe River where I found all the Indians _ I given them 2
Kegs Rum and Clothed 3 of them _ &c Folio 43
[1806 May]
Sunday 25 r Folio 43
[1806 May]
Munday 26 we Set off at 6 OClock in the morning awing to Rain & hail we Marchd all day against a Strong head wind and [Sawers] of hail _ however we made about 20 Leagues that day I killd 2 Geese and 1 Crain & 1 Badger – we Camp [?] at a River that’s Calld
Cha’cha’gaming – where we Set our Nets Folio 43-44
[1806 May]
Tuesday 27 we got up the Net got only 1 white fish & 1 Pike, we was wind bound all day – caught 2 Sturgeon Folio 44
[1806 May]
Wednesday 28 we got off after takeing 2 Sturgeon all Came down the Rapits without any axcident made one Portage and Came down [“to” inserted] the end of Split Lake found 6 Min of the H.B. Co. at their Settlement in Split Lake we Campt alittle further on _ there was Some Indians at the H.B.Cos fort but they hid Them Selves _ &c_ Folio 44

[1806 May]
Thursday 29 we got off and abut 7 OClock Met 14 Indian Canoes [folio 45] above a Strong Rapit thim that was above left their Canoes and all Rund in to the woods _ and those that was in Rapit went down the Rapit at the risk of their lives _ when they all Met [?] they formed aplan [to spend] to defend themselves to give time to their women and Children get to a [distance] _ I Sent of my Indian Guide to them to let them know that we did not wish to hurt them &c and in about 2 hours we got the Must of the Men together they givin me Some Dried meat which was all that the had as they had just left Mr Cooks house the HB Trader at this place _ he likeways Came up in the Course if the day to where I was & the Indians on his way to Split Lake where he had apast the one I left yeasturday _ we Campt [folio 46] to gether that night _ the Indians in formed me that I Caud Not pass ther in these 20 days to Come _ Mr Cook told me that perhaps that I mite get through in 10 [“days” inserted] so that I had
[recourse???] but to Come up to Split Lake and fish as I had no provisions_ I given all the Indians Some amunitions &c and they all promised to be for me Nex year and [agreed tak?] of their Stuf Folio 44-46
[1806 May]
Friday 30 Folio 46
[1806 May]
Saturday 31 fishing [“snowed” inserted] Caught 2 Sturgeon The Indians all gone up the Lake &c Still Stoptd with the Ice Folio 47
[1806 June]
Sunday 1 June
1806 Sill Stopd with Ice Caught 3 Sturgeon &c went up to Mr Cooks fort &c Folio 47
[1806 June]
Munday 2d Snowed hard all day I remaind there _ wind & Snow bound Folio 47
[1806 June]
Tuesday 3d We got off and Came down to the [Ox] Nose where Mr Cook winterd we made 5 C.P. and Came down 12 Rapits this palce is about 40 miles from Split Lake Folio 47
[1806 June] Wednesday 4 we left the [Ox?] Nose and Came and Campt at the last Portage after making 7 C.P. and rund 13 Rapits we made I think 40 Miles _ Folio 47
[1806 June]
Thursday 5 [rest blank] Folio 47
[blank] Folio 48

E1
Appendix E: Excerpts from Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Peter Fidler, Journals of Exploration and Survey

E.3/4 Journals of Exploration and Survey 1809
Peter Fidler

Folio 3d

1809
June 10th [1809] Saturday at 7 ½ AM the two Indians came up whom we left behind in Lake
Winnipeg two days ago. _ persuaded the Pilot to send his wife down by our Boat to wait him at
Oxford House _ as the Canoe is too small to carry 4 people well. – took with me a Small Brass
Sextant 6 Inches radius made by Dolland London. & artificial Horizon of Quicksilver & parallel Glasses _ & a Boats Compass _ only took one Blanket & 1 Bag of Pimmican.. our people set off & in 20΄ after [?] at [8.55] am_ we got underway & left the Bus cus cog gan or Play Green & pass down a new way to Nelson river _ went in Play Green Lake as under.

[sketch-map]

[sketch-map]

These Islands Generally rocky & [fine]. The same as the Main Land interspersed with Swamps _ caught 2 large sturgeon by a Hook. _ instead of Darting them. _ strong Squall of Thunder & rain when we put-up on the small Island _ Sailed with a Blanket these last 12 miles _ This is the Main body of water that passes here into Cross Lake _ only a small quantity passes by the mouth of Black water river & by the Sea river Carrying place. got a good quantity of Eggs – off the small [rockey] [Pt] in the Play Green Lake . Hot weather & calm nearly till toward Evening –

Folio 4

1809
June 11, [1809], Sunday _ at [5:10΄] Am got underway & proceed down the Waters of Nelson river on the Elongation of the Saskatchewan. as under

[sketch-map]

B Caw nay yow a [k]ow. Sandy. R The largest part of the water goes down there. P The Hairy Lake bottom of Each a way mam mis river bears [Et] Nor E by my Pilots account. M Nay ow pus ke tene or burnt wood. Point. _ S the [part] the part of the Water that goes away at R falls in here again _ W called by the Indians [Q or T] ee quee sene poo noo cus can. _ The Manneto pow is tick or Gods Fall only a strong shoot of smooth Current _ when the water is high _ large whirls below it; 50 yds [long] the Shoot _ The portage where we put up the Inds ran down their Canoe _ a very crooked place close on NS _ the Main body of water runs down the SS & can be E2
run safely with a light Canoe _ a small bay at bottom on [right] hand & put up in it _ could not get an observation for Latitude _ very cold Night _ Stopped for rain at the 4 pine Island & 5 ½ hours at the 5 pine Island.D an Island of split rocks little above the water, many sturgeon about it. _ Thickety of small woods at the Portage _

Folio 4d

1809
June 12th Monday [1809] at 4 AM got underway & went as under.

[sketch – map 9 ¼ miles; carrying place 70 yards @ ¾ mile; to “Entrance Cross Lake”]

[sketch – map]

The Carrying place of 70 yds good. _ A very strong rapidy current. The best way is to go along the dotted line. high steep split rocks appears formerly to have been split to pieces at this place where the Channel of the river is. K is where the Branch T falls in, as per the small sketch yesterday. & called ½ way to cross Lake from Gods fall by the Indians _ B Oos ki is mig wop can pass that into the Pine river, a sketch of this river from Moose lake to this is at page [blank] D E[NE] about 10 miles to where Hugh Sabbeston wintered 1806 _ The East branch of the Sea river falls into this Lake a little to the right of his house from this. F very rapidy & bad 2 or 3 places necessary to carry a little distance for Safety _ a very bad dangerous body. at the bottom of these rapids the river contracted into a narrow _ lost our way at the Steep fall which delayed us some time; & put up very wet and cold by the Heavy rain _ Cold all Day. Gentle current all the way we have gone thro’ the Cross Lake.-

Folio 5

1809
June 13th [1809] Tuesday. at 4 ½ AM got underway & went down towards Nelson river where Laugh [line break]lan Leith’s house is situated. _

[sketch – outlet of Cross Lake?]

Left the portage at [12 ½] stopped here at 8 ½ strong Gale of Wind. Then went as under

[sketch – map]

[sketch – map]

Folio 5d

1809

June 13th [1809]
E3

[sketch]

at the Portage (White Mud) of 950 yds we were 1 hour in getting over _ 865 woody & 85 a long swamp out of The Creek from whence we unload the Canoe _ a pretty good portage. Left at 6 ½ am _ a cold frosty morning & much hoar laying on the Grass. Stopped 4 hours on the Portage where the observation was taken _ a strong rapid below it _ stopped 1 [¾] hours with abt 20 Canoes of Ind. Traders of Laughlan Leith. L a strong smooth shoot must carry coming up _ ran it down with the Canoe _ below it river Narrow & strong whirling current. _ & rocky steep sides. D a Carrying place on right 80 yards thro’ poplars & steep bank _ ran down the Canoe not dangerous. _ K the branch that falls in at B on this side _ E the branch that runs out of the Duck Lake & all joins again at B in tomorrows work _ Carried over the Portage G Swampy nearly knee deep 250 _ Dry 160 – & 50 wet lower end into a Small bay & arrived at Laughlan Leiths House _ he & 2 men are remaining here _ expecting men to come for the 700 MBr they have _ the Fall Canoe that was to have bro’t him Goods was froze in a few Miles after it left Split Lake House _ [Mr or Cfr ?] John McNab Junr _ came up & passed here by the first Ice & wintered in Cross Lake _ the 2 Young Men who accompanies me now declare that they dont know the road down Nelson river any farther and as there are no Indians here to conduct me I am under the necessity of taking Laughlan Leith as pilot & Down to Split Lake about 4 Days March _ where I hope to get an Indian there for that purpose _ Mostly Sturgeon men live on at Laughlan Leiths house – the French 2 years ago winterd here.

Folio 6

1809
June 14th [1809] Wednesday _ at 8 AM. Left Laughlan Leiths House. he accompanies us as pilot to York Factory _ left 2 men here. went as under

[sketch – map]

[sketch to Seepaywisk bay and Sepawisk house]

[sketch – map]

Very split & riven rocks all thro’ the way we have come this Day _ I never saw the like before thro’ such a great distance. _ all shattered into small fragments _ altho a bed apparently of solid rock before. _ detained 2 hours for rain in the day Saw 1 Canoe of Inds they followed & slept with us at night _ a blind man _ his wife & son. The branch B is the mouth of the Branch E we passed yesterday out of Duck Lake

Folio 6d

1809
June 15th [1809] Thursday _ At 5 AM got underway & went as under

[sketch maps]

E4
S all a Lake near up to Seepawisk House. _ B a bad portage of abt 2 miles by the Indian account called Pim mich in ne cap into [O]o ses sis queg gam [nis Lake C the lower end of which a creek of the same name falls out of, abt [1]0 miles from Nelson river _ go up it in Canoes. a fall & portage 100 yds at the mouth marked R. _ B a perpendicular fall down a bare rock _ an entire white sheet of water, falls out of a Lake a little way within _ a Good Fishing place here _ from Mouth of Clear Water river Oxford House bears S70º Et. by Indn Acct. _ 1 Days Paddle in a Canoe up it. Lower end of Oo ses sis queg gam mo goes down as the Steep fall B – a pine hammock at the Mouth of the Creek R. a good deal of water runs down it. _ an immoderate hot night.

Appendix F: Excerpted Records of Baptisms from
Wesleyan Methodist Register of Baptisms Norway House 1840-1889,
“Baptisms Solemnized in the Wesleyan-Methodist Chapel Rossville In the County of Norway House; from 1840 to 1889”.

      Parents’ Name             

When Bap-
tized Child’s
Name Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age
When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
1861
Aug 4
No. 1121 James __ Rossville 18 years [G McD]
[1866]
October 7th
No.1279 Nancy James & Fanny [Rossville] About 1 week
infant Charles
Stringfellow
[1867]
[29th
September
No. 1312 Eliza Ross Oig Rossville Adult Charles Stringfellow
1867
29th September No. 1313 Mary
[Papanakiss] [Note: Book
[shows?] latter persons are daughter[s] of the Indian Chief still heathen Tā pastā num. C.S.] Rossville Adult Charles Stringfellow
[1869?]
No. 1374 William Wm
Mary Cochrane Cross Lake 5 mo [ER Young?]
1874
Feb 5
No. 1521 Elizabeth John
And
Peggy Minekoonā sis Cross Lake 5 years John H Ruttan
[1874] Feb
5
No. 1522 John Spence John and Elizabeth
Peggy
Minnekoonasis Cross Lake 2 years J.H. R.
Cross Lake/John Scott’s Lake Methodist Baptisms extracted from:
Wesleyan Methodist Register of Baptisms Norway House 1840-1889

“Baptisms Solemnized in the Wesleyan-Methodist Chapel Rossville In the County of Norway House; from 1840 to 1889”

From a Photocopy held by J.S.H. Brown
Proofed from Original held in the United Church Archives Winnipeg  

     Parents’ Name            

When Bap-
tized Child’s
Name Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age
When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
[1874] Feb
5
No. 1523 Catharine Elijah and Mary Memanokunawapanow Cross lake 3 weeks J.H.R.
[1875]
June 13
No. 1575 Catherine James and Isabella Jacob Cross Lake 6 months J.H.R.
[1875]
June 20
No. 1579 Nancy Jacob and Annie Pacase Cross Lake 6 months J.H.R.
[1875]
July 4
No. 1581 Lydia John and Peggy Minokeneesis Cross Lake 3 months J.H.R.
[1875]
July 11
No. 1582 Donald William Sinclair
Ross A noted conjuror for many years, who long resisted the teachings of christianity Tapastanum
John Scots
Lake
Norway
House Dis-
70 years J.H.R.
[1875]
July 18
No. 1586 Thomas Kisiastāokanum Pagan parents John Scots Lake Norway House
District 25 Years J.H.R.
[1875]
July 18
No. 1587 John Scott Kisiastāokanum [Pagan parents] [Kisiastāokanu m] [John Scots Lake Norway House
District] 27 years J.H.R.
[1875]
July 18
No. 1588 Isaac Donald William Sinclair
Ross Tāpastānum [John Scots Lake Norway House
District] 23 years J.H.R.
[1875]
July 18
No. 1589 Magnus Chomohapācoos John and Charlott Chomohapākoos
(The father not yet baptized has had several wives, says he has put them all away but one. Is thinking to be baptized.) [John Scots
Lake
Norway
House Dis-
trict] 19 years J.H.R.

     Parents’ Name            

When
Baptized Child’s
Name Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age
When
Baptized The Minister
by Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
[1875]
July 18
No. 1592 Baptiste
Armstrong Pagan parents Deers Lake
Norway
House
District 30 years J.H.R.
1875
July 18
No. 1593 Nancy Kesiastāokanum Pagan Parents Wife of John
Scott
Kesiastāokanum John Scots
Lake
N.H. Dist. 25 years J.H.R.
[1875]
July 18
No. 1594
Maggie Kwāskekātu m [Pagan parents] Wife of James Kwāskekātum Cross lake 35 years J.H.R.
[1875]
July 18
No. 1595
Charlott
Chomohopacoos [Pagan parents] Formerly wife of John
Chomohapacoos but has been put away. John Scots
Lake
N.H. Dist. 55 years J.H.R.
[1875]
July 18
No. 1596
Betsy James and Maggie Cross Lake 7 years J.H.R.
[1875]
July 18
No. 1597
Elizabeth James and Maggie Cross Lake 5 years J.H.R.
[1875]
July 18
No. 1598
Mary James and Maggie Kwāskekātum Cross Lake 3 years J.H.R.
[1875]
July 18
No. 1599
Jane John Scott and Nancy Kesiastāokanum John Scots Lake N.H.
Dist. 1 year J.H.R.
[1875]
July 18
No. 1600
James John and Mary (This is the wife he intends to keep and be married to) Chomhapokoos [John Scots Lake N.H.
Dist.] 7 months J.H.R.

     Parents’ Name            

When
Baptized Child’s Name
Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age
When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the Ceremony was Performed
[1875]
July 18
No. 1602
Abel Frazer Isaac
And
Mary Kesiastāokanum John Scot’s Lake N.W. Dist. [the same was crossed out in this space and then re-entered.
Comment:
crossed out by mistake J.H.R.] 6 months
J.H.R.
[1875]
August 22
No. 1613
James Evans. A noted Conjurer who has long resisted the Christian religion_ James Evans.
A noted Conjurer who has long resisted the Christian religion_ Indian name Chomohapākoos, He chose to be named after Rev. James Evans as he thought with pleasure on the earnest conversation had with him many years ago. [John Scots crossed out] Split Lake.
Norway House
District 66 years J.H.R.
[1875]
August 22
No. 1615 William Morwick
John Scots Lake 8 years J.H.R.
[1875]
September
26
No. 1622 George Kisikastiokanow John Scots Lake 12 years J.H.R.
[1875]
September
26
No. 1623 Thomas [Kawāskinepināsk um
He had been leading a praying life about 1 year. is lame. John Scots Lake 22 years J.H.R.
[1875]
October 1
No. 1624 Mary Wife of
Donald
William
Sinclair
Ross Wife of Donald
William Sinclair
Ross John Scots Lake 65 years J.H.R.

     Parents’ Name            

When
Baptized Child’s Name
Son or
Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
[1875]
December 5
No. 1628 George Joseph and Mary Ann Mallett

[“Adopted by George Garrioch by agreement before the childs birth”] Jack River 13 days J.H.R.
[1876]
April 22
No. 1642 Jessie James and Elizabeth Settee Cross Lake 3 months and 20 days J.H.R.
[1876]
June 25th
No. 1654 John James and Margaret Scott John Scotts Lake 8 months W.W. Kirkby
[Archdeacon of
York]
[1876]
June 25th
No. 1655 Sarah John And Sarah John Scott Lake 5 years W.W. Kirkby
[Archdeacon of
York]
[1876]
July 23
No. 1666 Mary Ruttan baptized Cross Lake 20 years J.H.R.
[1876]
July 23
No. 1667 Sandy
Garrioch Parents unknown Cross Lake 45 years J.H.R.
[1876]
July 23
No. 1668 Annabella The wife of Sandy Garrioch above. They are to be married after they get their treaty money. Cross Lake 30 years J.H.R.
[1876]
July 23
No. 1669 John Sandy Garrioch Cross Lake 8 years J.H.R.
[1876]
July 23
No. 1670 Thomas Sandy Garrioch Cross Lake 5 years J.H.R.
[1876]
July 23
No. 1671 Sally Sandy Garrioch Cross Lake 12 years J.H.R.
[1876]
July 23
No. 1672 Maria Sandy Garrioch Cross Lake 8 years J.H.R.

     Parents’ Name            

When
Baptized Child’s Name
Son or
Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age When
Baptized The Minister by
Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
1876
July 23
No. 1673 Annie Sandy Garrioch Cross lake 4 years J.H.R.
[1876]
July 23
No. 1674 Harriet Sandy Garrioch Cross Lake 1 year J.H.R.

[1876]
July 30th
No. 1676 James Young (adult) Cross Lake 25 years W.W. Kirkby
Archdeacon of
York
1876
August 6th
No. 1681 Ellen Sandy and Annabella Garrioch Cross Lake 14 years J.H.R.
1876
August 20th
No. 1686 James McKoy (Parents unknown) Cross Lake 28 years J.H.R.
1876
August 20th
No. 1687 Janey McKoy (Parents unknown)
(Married to James McKoy samtime they were baptized) 26 years J.H.R.
1877
January 10th
No. 1699 Bella

illegitimate John Abraham and Cross Lake 8 weeks J.H.R.
[1877]
January 10th
No. 1700 Alexander Joseph Elijah and Mary Scott Cross Lake 1 month J.H.R.
[1877]
January 10th No. 1701 John Richard Charles and Jessie Emmas Cross Lake 6 weeks J.H.R.
[1877]
January 10th
No. 1702 Donald Kwāskenuskinum

[“married at the same time”: see 1703] Cross Lake 25 years J.H.R.
[1877]
January 10th
No. 1703 Mary Jane Kwāskenuskinum

[“married at the same time”: see 1702] Cross Lake 23 years J.H.R.

     Parents’ Name            

When
Baptized Child’s
Name Son or
Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
[1877]
January 10th
No. 1704 John Henry Donald and Mary Jane Kwāskenuskinum Cross Lake 4 years J.H.R.
1877
January 10th
No. 1705 Elizabeth Ross (a widow) Cross Lake 30 years J.H.R.
[1877]
January 10th
No. 1706 Adam Elizabeth Ross (see above) Cross Lake 14 years J.H.R.
[1877]
February
28th
No. 1715 Abels illegitimate Joseph Kwāskecapo and
Mary his daughter He at Cross
Lake She at
Rossville,
This winter 4 days J.H.R.
[1877]
June 15th
No. 1723 Samuel Thomas and Mary Cross Lake
3 ¼ months J.H.R.
1877
June 21st
No. 1729 John Scott (A noted Conjuror who had for years resisted all attempts to persuade him to renounce his evil ways and become a Christian.) Cross lake 70 years J.H.R.
[1877]
June 21st
No. 1730 Mary Scott (wife of John Scott) Cross Lake 73 years J.H.R.
[1877]
June 21st
No. 1731 John Wechekwanāmat (another Conjurer) Cross Lake 45 years J.H.R.
[1877]
June 21st
No. 1732 Martha Wechekwanāmat (wife of John Wechekwanāmat ) Cross Lake 47 years J.H.R.
[1877]
June 21st
No. 1733 Bella John and Martha Wechekwanāmat Cross Lake 8 years J.H.R.
[1877]
June 21st
No. 1734 Eliza John and Martha Wechekwanāmat Cross Lake 6 years J.H.R.

     Parents’ Name            

When Bap-
tized Child’s
Name Son or
Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age
When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the Ceremony was Performed
[1877]
June 21st
No. 1735 Benjamin John and Martha Wechekwanāmat Cross Lake 12 years J.H.R.
[1877]
June 21st
No. 1736 James John and Elisabeth Cook Cross Lake 3 months J.H.R.
1877
June 21st
No. 1737 Margaret Charles and Charlotte Māchekwanāpe Cross Lake 9 months J.H.R.
[1877]
June 21st
No. 1738 Jessie Thomas and Elisabeth Ross Cross Lake 2 ½ months J.H.R.
[1877]
June 21st
No. 1739 Catherine James and
Maggy McKoy
Cross Lake 6 months J.H.R.
[1877]
June 21st
No. 1740 Anna Donald and Mary Jane Cross Lake 8 months J.H.R.
[1877]
June 21st
No. 1741 Thomas McKoy (parents unknown)

The above 13 baptisms (including those on page preceding) were performed at Cross Lake Cross Lake 20 years J.H.R.
[1877]
July 8th
No. 1770 Charlotte James and Janey McKoy Cross Lake 5 months J.H.R.
[1877]
July 8th
No. 1771 Mary James and Janey McKoy Cross Lake 4 years J.H.R.
[1877]
July 8th
No. 1772 Elisabeth George and Elisa McKoy Cross Lake 5 years J.H.R.
[1877]
July 8th
No. 1773 Sandy John and Henrietta Hamilton Cross Lake 5 days J.H.R.
[1877]
July 8th
No. 1774 Elisabeth Kwāskenepā nas (parents
unknown) Cross Lake 45 years J.H.R.
[1877]
July 8th
No. 1775 Mary Kwāskenepanas and
Elisabeth his wife Cross Lake 4 years J.H.R.

     Parents’ Name            

When
Baptized Child’s Name
Son or
Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
[1877]
July 8th
No. 1776 Ellen Nepānas (parents unknown

The above 7 baptisms were administered at Cross Lake on my return total number of baptisms during my visit, 48. Cross Lake 10 years J.H.R.
[1877]
July 22nd
No. 1779 Elijah Scott (adopted son of John Scott) Cross Lake 50 years J.H.R.
[1877]
July 22nd
No. 1780 John Henry James
And
Ellen Isabella Jacob Cross Lake 4 months J.H.R.
[1877]
July 29th
No. 1784 Betsy Watcheckanāsees
Cross Lake 14 years J.H.R.
1877
July 29th
No. 1785 William Wechekwanāmat
[married this couple the same time written diagonally across this and 1786] Cross Lake 24 years J.H.R.
[1877]
July 29th
No. 1786 Charlotte Wechekwanāmat
[married this couple the same time written diagonally across this and 1785] Cross Lake 20 years J.H.R.
[1877]
July 29th
No. 1787 Mary Keesiasteokenow Cross Lake 55 years J.H.R.
[1877]
July 29th
No. 1788 Nancy Mary Keesiasteokenow and her husband who is not yet baptesed Cross Lake 5 years J.H.R.
[1877]
July 29th
No. 1789 Ellen The husband above mentioned who
is not baptised and a sister of Mary Keesiasteokenow Cross Lake 13 years J.H.R.

     Parents’ Name            

When
Baptized Child’s Name
Son or
Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the Ceremony was Performed
[1877]
July 29th
No. 1790 Jane The above parents of Ellen are her parents Cross Lake 6 years J.H.R.
[1877]
August 5th
No. 1792 Sarah Ann William and Charlotte Wechekwanāmat Cross Lake 2 months J.H.R.
1877
August 5th
No. 1793 Sarah Proud and Janey McKoy Cross Lake 3 years J.H.R.
[1877]
August 5th
No. 1794 Mary Proud and Mary McKoy Cross Lake 14 years J.H.R.
[1877]
August 19th
No. 1798 Eliza John and Peggy Cross Lake 7½ months J.H.R.
Ruttan’s Journal: page 476 January 6th …arrived at Garrioch’s 4.30

Sunday Baptised William Broomy. His father is dead his mother’s name is Wāskiwaseciskwas Cross Lake [75 years].
[1878]
June 16th
No. 1828 Lydia John and Anna
Cross Lake 6 weeks J.H.R.
[1878]
June 16th
No. 1829 Mary Ann Magnus and Mary Evans Cross Lake 8½ months J.H.R.
[1878]
June 16th
No. 1830 Maggy John and Martha St. Charles Cross Lake 4 months J.H.R.
[1878]
August 18th
No. 1845 Henry McKoy unknown Cross Lake 55 years J.H.R.
[1878]
August 18th
No. 1846 Maria McKoy wife of Henry McKoy Cross Lake 45 years J.H.R.
[1878]
August 18th
No. 1847 Angus Henry and Maria McKoy Cross Lake 6 years J.H.R.

     Parent’s Names               

When
Baptized Child’s Name
Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s Age
When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
[1878]
August 18th
No. 1848 Joseph Henry and Maria McKoy Cross Lake 8 years J.H. R.
1878
August 18th
No. 1849 Sandy Henry and Maria McKoy Cross Lake 14 years J.H. R.
[1878]
August 18th
No. 1850 Mary Garrioch [parents] Unknown Wife of Baptiste Garrioch Cross Lake 20 years J.H. R.
[1878]
August 18th
No. 1851 William Rupert Baptiste and Mary Garrioch Cross Lake Born Dec. 25th 1877 J.H. R.
[1879]
January 5th
No. 1866 Donald Hugh and Magdaline Cross Lake Born Decr 2nd 1878 J.H. R.
[1879]
January 5th
No. 1867 Mary Edward and Nancy Cross Lake 13 months J.H. R.
[1879]
January 5th
No. 1868 John Edward and Nancy Cross Lake 4 years J.H. R.
[1879]
January 5th
No. 1869 Nancy McKoy Chuckoonāsees not baptized Cross Lake 25 years J.H. R.
[1879]
January 5th
No. 1870 Angus Proud and Jane McKoy Cross Lake 2 months J.H. R.
[1879]
April 6th
No. 1880 Willie George and Eliza McKoy Cross Lake 3 months J.H. R.
1879
Aug. 5th
No. 1897 Bella Sandy &
Bella Garrich Cross Lake 17 years O. German?
[1879]
Aug. 5th
No. 1898 Charles John & Mary Whiskeyjack Cross Lake 2 mnths O. German

     Parents’ Name            

When
Baptized Child’s
Name Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age
When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
[1879]
Aug. 5th
No. 1899 Sarah Thomas & Elizabeth Ochetow Cross Lake 8 weeks O. German
[1879]
Aug. 5th
No. 1900 Andrew James &
[Janie] [Kakekānookoo
ses] Cross Lake 6 mnths O. German
[1879]
Aug. 5th
No. 1901 Charles George &
Mary Ann Sandy Cross Lake 2 years O. German
[1879]
Aug. 5th
No. 1902 Elizabeth
Ann Peggy Pakwāo Cross Lake 4 mths O. German
[1879]
Aug. 5th
No. 1903 Jane Joshua & Henrietta Hamilton Cross Lake 4 ¼ mths O. German
[1879]
Aug. 5th
No. 1904 Joseph McKay [Cross Lake] Adult [O. German?]
1879
Aug. 5th
No. 1905 George Kewātenookōo
Cross [something crossed out] Lake Adult O. German
[1879]
Aug. 21st
No. 1906 Charles Joseph & Jane McKay Cross Lake Adult O. German
[1879]
Aug. 21st
No. 1907 Jacob William Sinclair Cross Lake Adult O. German
[1879] Sept
4th
No. 1908 Donald Ross Pagan
[“] Sinclair Cross Lake Adult O. German
1880
Jany 8th
No. 1915 George Pagan parents McKay Cross Lake 14 years Orrin German
[1880
Jany 8th ]
No. 1916 Peter [Pagan parents] [syllabic entry] [Cross Lake] 17 years Orrin German
[1880
Jany 8th ]
No. 1917 [James] [Pagan parents] [syllabic entry as 1916] [Cross
Lake] 10 years Orrin German

     Parents’ Name            

When
Baptized Child’s
Name Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age
When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
[1880
Jany 8th ]
No. 1918 John [Pagan parents] [syllabic entry as 1916] [Cross
Lake] 8 years Orrin German
[1880
August] 7
No. 1940 Alexander James & Maggie McKay Cross Lake 3 mths O.G.
[1880
August 7]
No. 1941 James Magnus &
Mary Ross McKay [Cross Lake] 7 ½ mths O.G.
[1880
August 7]
No. 1942 Alexander Albert & Margaret Ross [Cross Lake] 8 mths O.G.
[1880
August 7]
No. 1943 Jane Donald &
Mary Jane Ross [Cross Lake] 4 mths O.G.
[1880
August 7]
No. 1944 Emma Baptiste & Mary [Cross Lake] 6 mths O.G.
[1880
April] 18
No. 1976 James
Cross Lake 10 yrs O.G.
[1880
Sept. 26]
No. 1990 Jacob John & Betsy Cross Lake 3 weeks O.G.
[1881]
June 12
No. 2005 Willie John & Mary Menokwanāses Cross Lake 3 mths O.G.
[1881
June 12]
No. 2006 Mary John & Mary Ross [Cross Lake] [1 yr] O.G.
[1881
June 12]
No. 2007 [?] [James?]
[Jamesie] John & [Anna] McKoy [Cross Lake] 15 mths O.G.
[1881
June 12]
No. 2008 Jane Mary (an old
woman) Ross [Cross Lake] Adult O.G.
1881
June 12
No. 2009 Mary Ann (a Young Woman) Ross Cross Lake Adult O.G.

     Parents’ Name            

When Bap-
tized Child’s
Name Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age
When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
[1881
June 12]
No. 2010 John John & Mary Ross [Cross Lake] 4 yrs O.G.
[1881
July] 3rd
No. 2068 Samuel Sandy & Bella Garriock Cross Lake 8mths O.G.
[1881
July 3rd ]
No. 2069 Thomas Thomas & Elizabeth Ross [Cross Lake] 3 mths O.G.
[1881
July 3rd ]
No. 2070 Sophia Thomas &
Sally McKay [Cross Lake] 7 mths O.G.
[1881
July 3rd ]
No. 2071 David Ross [Cross Lake] Adult O.G.
[1881
July 3rd ]
No. 2072 Jane Edward & Nancy [Cross Lake] 7 mths O.G.
1881
July 3rd
No. 2073 John Cross Lake Adult O.G.
[1881
July 3rd ]
No. 2074 Christie [Cross Lake] 14 yrs O.G.
[1881
July 3rd ]
No. 2075 Jacob Black [Cross Lake] 10 yrs O.G.
[1881
July 3rd ]
No. 2076 Philip John & Mary Ann Black [Cross Lake] 15 mths O.G.
[1881]
June 10
No. 2083 George Peter & Jane Ross Cross Lake 3 mths O.G.
[1881]
Dec. 29
No. 2094 Jacob Jacob & Adelaide Sinclair Cross Lake 2 wks O.G.
[1881]
Dec. 29
No. 2095 Magnus James & Elizabeth McKay Cross Lake 5 wks O.G.
[1882]
June 14
No. 2114 Alexander
Sutherland Ross Cross Lake Adult Orrin German

     Parents’ Name            

When Bap-
tized Child’s
Name Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age
When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
[1882]
[June 14]
No. 2115 Matilda Ross [Cross Lake] Adult Orrin German
[1882]
June [14]
No. 2116 Jacob Ross [Cross Lake] 6 yrs Orrin German
[1882]
June [14]
No. 2117 Henry Mary Ross [Cross Lake] 3 yrs Orrin German
[1882]
June [14]
No. 2118 [Flora] Ross [Cross Lake] Adult Orrin German
[1882]
June [14]
No. 2119 Maria Flora Ross [Cross Lake] 7 yrs Orrin German
[1882]
June [14]
No. 2120 Mary Mary Ann Northwind [Cross Lake] 11 mths Orrin German
1882
June 16
No. 2121 William Charles & Jessie Cross Lake 10 mths Orrin German
1882
July 2
No. 2137 Magnus John & Mary
Cross Lake 1 yr Orrin German
[1882
July 2]
No. 2138 Juliet Charles & Jane McKay [Cross Lake] 6 mths Orrin German
[1882
July 2]
No. 2139 George Baptiste & Jane Garrick [Cross Lake] 8 days Orrin German
[1883]
Dec 2[3]
No. 2167 Mary Jane Hugh & Madelene [Couchon] Cross Lake 8 months E. Langford
[1883]
Dec 23
No. 2168 Jane John & Mary Whiskey Jack [Cross Lake] 2 weeks E. Langford
1883
Dec 23
No. 2169 Biddy Robinson Cross Lake 75 years E. Langford
[1883]
Dec 23
No. 2170 John Robinson [Cross Lake] 7 yrs E. Langford

     Parents’ Name            

When
Baptized Child’s Name
Son or
Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s Age When Bap-
tized The Minister by Whom the Ceremony was
Performed
[1883]
Dec 23
No. 2171 McKay Thos
Sasett Ross [Cross Lake] 3 yrs 9 mos E. Langford
[1883]
Dec 23
No. 2172 Richard Thos
Sasett Ross [Cross Lake] 23 days E. Langford
[1884]
Mar 30
No. 2179 Willie Andrew & Mary Papunekis Cross Lake 2 mos E.L.
[1884]
Mar 30
No. 2180 Edward Andrew & Jane Thomas Cross Lake nearly 3 mo E.L.
[1884]
Mar 30
No. 2181 Nancy Peter & Jane Ross Cross Lake 2 ½ mo. E.L.
[1884]
Mar 30
No. 2182 Rodrick Thomas & Elisabeth Cross Lake 2 ½ months E.L.
[1884]
June 29
No. 2190 Donald Cross Lake 1 ½ mo E.L.
[1884]
June 29
No. 2191 William James & Marth[a] MacKay [Cross lake] 2 mo E.L.
[1884]
June 29
No. 2192 Philip John & Anna MacKay [Cross lake] 1 yr E.L.
[1884]
Aug 23rd
N. 2218 Elizabeth Daughter of Albert and Margeret Ross Cross Lake 1 year J.S.
[1884]
Aug 23rd
N. 2219 Maggie
Daughter of Thomas and
Elizabeth Ross Cross Lake 6 months J.S
[1884]
Aug 23rd
N. 2220 Charlotte
Daughter of Sandy and Bella Garrioch Cross Lake 7 months J.S
[1884]
Aug 23rd
N. 2221 Mary
Daughter of Baptiste and
Mary Garrioch Cross Lake 10 months J.S

     Parents’ Name            

When Baptized Child’s
Name Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s Age
When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the Ceremony was
Performed
[1884]
Aug 23rd
N. 2222 Isbister Son of Donald
William and
Mary Jane Ross Cross Lake 1 year J.S
[1884]
Aug 23rd
N. 2223 William Son of Sandy and Dinah McKay Cross Lake 2 months J.S
[1884]
Aug 23rd
N. 2224 Jessie
Daughter of John and Betsy Peter Cross Lake 1 year J.S
[1884]
December
21
No. 2230 Susanna John & Nancy Scott Cross Lake 8 mths J.S
[1885]
June 16th
No. 2253 Nicodemus James & Jenny McKay
Cross Lake 3 mths J.S
[1885]
June 16th
No. 2254 George Elijah &
Elizabeth 2 months Illegitemate J.S
[1885]
June 16th
No. 2255 Angus Mary Ann
10 mths J.S
[1885]
June 16th
No. 2256 Sarah unknown [No residence given, but in amidst Cross Lake entries] 60 years J.S
1885
June 16th
No. 2257 Bella Sarah Keewatinkao Cross Lake 14 years J.S
[1885]
June 16th
No. 2258 Caleb Sarah Keewatinkao Cross Lake 15 years J.S
[1885]
June 16th
No. 2259 Hector Sarah Keewatinkao Cross Lake 17 yrs J.S.
[1885]
June 17th
No. 2260 William John & Mary Whiskey Jack Cross Lake 6 mths J.S
[1885]
Sept 27th
No. 2267 Maria John & Henrietta Fisher Cross Lake 2 yrs J.S

     Parents’ Name            

When Bap-
tized Child’s
Name Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Child’s
Age
When
Baptized The Minister by Whom the
Ceremony was
Performed
[1885]
Sept 27th
No. 2268 Juliet William & Ellen Bromy [476 ca
1877?] Ruttan
Journal: Sunday
“Baptized William Broomy. His father is dead his mother’s name is W[a] skiwaseciskw as] Cross lake [75
years].”]
Cross Lake 18 mths J.S
[1885]
Sept 27th
No. 2269 Victoria John & Sally? Scott
Illegitimate Cross Lake 3 weeks J.S
[1886]
Jan 24th 86
No. 2293 William Alex Sandy &
Bella Garrioch Cross Lake
2 months J.S
[1886]
Jan 24th 86
No. 2294 Peter William & Ellen Cross Lake 3 mths J.S
[1887]
Feb 6th
No. 2310 Jane Harriet Thomas &
Elisabeth Ochatok Cross Lake 7 mos J.S.
[1887]
Feb 6th
No. 2311 Martha James & Maggie McKay Cross Lake 1 week J.S.
[1887]
Feb 8th
No. 2317 Sarah Mary &
Baptiste Garrioch Cross Lake 6 mos J.S.
[1887] July 3
No. 2322 Spence Jacob &
Adelaide Tapastanum Cross Lake 3 mths [J. Semmens]
1887
[12 March] No. 2337 Jemima Magnus & Mary Mumahapagroos Cross Lake B. Jany
4th

July 30th E.P.

Appendix G: Excerpted Records of Marriages from
Wesleyan Missionary General Register, 1840-1892, “Original Registers of Marriages, Rossville.”

Wesleyan Missionary General Register 1840-1892
Original Registers of Marriages… [commencing] 14th June 1840
United Church Archives
[1863]
No. 192
7th Aug George Garuk [age 20]
[Cross Lake]
Elizabeth Sakepuk [age
15] [Rossville] Bachelor/ Spinster
Hunter
By License
With the Consent of: James A Grahame, CF Hon HBCo.

See original for syllabic name
orthography
Married at Rossville

Attached Letter: Whereas George Garuk of Cross Lake in the District of Norway House, Bachelor….Jas A. Graham 7
Aug 1863
Minister: Chas Stringfellow
1864
Rossville
No. 200
28th March Matthew Oick
Eliza Ross
[Rossville] [By] Banns at Rossville
[With the Consent of: Parents] Minister: Charles Stringfellow

[daughter of
Tapastanum]
1866
No. 220
August 20th
Rossville Andrew Papanakiss [23] Mary Tapastanum [16] Bachelor/ Spinster Hunter [By Banns], at Rossville[With the Consent of:] Parents Minister: Charles Stringfellow
[1868]
No. 244
Rossville Peter [Hacrew?] [21]
Clara Tapanatum [20] Batchelor/ Spinster [By] Banns at Rossville

Minister: E.R. Young
[1869]
No. 255
Aug 10th Robt KeeKekseese [20] and Jane [16] [both Cross Lake] Bachelor/ Spinster By Banns at Rossville

Minister: E.R. Young
1873
No. 297 Batesse Armstrong [21]
[Rossville]
Juliette Hart [17] [McCoy’s
Point] Bachelor Hunter By Banns at Rossville
Minister: E.R. Young

[this man was named after the
Rev. JB Armstrong who visited
Rossville 1873]

1875
Rossville
No. 306
July 12 Charles Frederick Machekwānape [20] [Cross
Lake]
Charlott McKoy [18]
[Rossville] Bachelor/ Spinster Hunter At Rossville
[By] Banns
Minister: John H. Ruttan
1875
No. 315
September
27th John Fisher [33] [Oxford
House]
Henrietta Nepanās [22] [John Scots Lake] Bachelor/ Spinster Hunter By Banns at Rossville
Ministers: Rev. Orrin German and John H. Ruttan
1875
Rossville
No. 316
October 1 Donald William Sinclair
Ross [70]
Mary Ross [65]
[both: John Scots Lake]
Hunter “After living together about 40 odd years and having a large family lately being baptised are now married.” [Parsonage at
Rossville]

Minister: John H. Ruttan
1876
Rossville
No. 332
August 20th James McKoy [28]
Janey McKoy [26]

[Cross Lake] hunter at Rossville “having lived together and having one child” Minister:
[John H. Ruttan]
1876
334
August 27th Thomas Wākinokasew
[50]
Ann Wākinokasew [40]

[John Scots Lake] “having lived together for some time”
Minister: John H. Ruttan
1877
337
January 10th Donald Kwāskenuskinum

Mary Jane “

[Cross Lake] Hunter “having lived together and having one child” at house of George Garrioch
Cross Lake

Witnesses: George Papanekis
George Garrioch

Minister: John H. Ruttan
1877
Rossvislle
[parsonage]
340
June 15th Thomas Cook [23]
Mary Garrioch [22]

[Cross Lake] Bachelor/ Spinster Servant [By] Banns

Minister: John H. Ruttan
1877
344
June 21st
John Scott [70]
Mary Scott [73]

[Cross lake] Hunter “Having lived together for many years”
George Garrioch’s House Cross Lake
Witnesses: George Garrioch
George Papaneskis
Minister: John H. Ruttan

1877
345
June 21st John Wechekwanāmat [45]
Martha Wechekwanāmat
[47]

[Cross lake] Hunter “Having lived together for years”

George Garrioch’s House
Cross Lake
Witnesses: George Garrioch
George Papanekis
Minister: John H. Ruttan
1877
346
June 21st James McKoy [35]
Maggie McKoy [30]

[Cross Lake] Hunter “Having lived together for
sometime”

George Garrioch’s House
Witnesses: George Garrioch
George Papanekis
1877
347
June 21st Charles Chākákakoochin
[60]

Mary Chākákakoochin [56]

[Cross Lake]

 Hunter  “Having lived together for many years” 

George Garrioch’s House
Cross Lake Witnesses: George
Garrioch George Papanekis
1877
348
June 21st
Thomas Ross [26] and
Elizabeth Ross [22]
“having lived together for
sometime”
[Cross Lake]

          “Having lived together for 

sometime”
At Cross Lake

[George Garrioch’s House]
Witnesses: George Garrioch
George Papanekis

Minister: [John H. Ruttan]
“The above 5 marriages were performed on my way to visit Nelson River Missions, and are copied from the original record kept at the time of their celebration
John H. Ruttan”
1877
361
July 19th John McKoy [20]
[Cross Lake] and
Anna McDonald [18] [Rossville] Bachelor/ Spinster Hunter By Banns
At Rossville
By Rev. O. German John H. Ruttan
1877
362
July 29th William Wechekwan[a]mat
[24] and Charlotte
Wechekawan[a]mat [20]
[Cross Lake] Hunter “Having lived together some time”
Rossville
Minister: John H. Ruttan

1878
370
August 18th
Henry McKoy [55] Maria McKoy [45] Hunter At Cross Lake
“Having just been baptized and having lived together many years”
George Garrioch’s House
Cross Lake
Witnesses: George Garrioch
Isabella Garrioch

Minister: John H. Ruttan
1878
371
August 18th
Baptiste Garrioch [40]
Mary Garrioch [20]

[Cross Lake] Hunter Cross Lake
“Having lived together sometime”
George Garrioch’s House Witnesses: George Garrioch
Isabella Garrioch

Minister: [John H. Ruttan]
1878
372
August 18th
Thomas Sinclair [25] Elisabeth Napase [14]
[Cross Lake] Bachelor/ Spinster Hunter
Consent of parents and guardians
George Garrioch’s house Cross
Lake
Minister: John H. Ruttan
1879
382
January 5th
Edward McKoy [28]
Nancy McKoy [25]
[Cross Lake] “Having lived together and having 2 children”
George Garrioch’s house Cross
Lake
Witnesses: George Garrioch
George Papanekis

Minister: John H. Ruttan
1879
Aug. 5th 388 John [syllabics]
Jane [Syllabics]
[Cross Lake]
John Kākukakoochik Jane Wastāman Bachelor/ Spinster Hunter “Private House” at Cross Lake
“Had previously lived together” Witnesses: William
Sinclair
Joseph McKay
George Garrich
Minister: O German
1879
Aug. 5th 389 William [Panoonu]
Ellen Garrick
[Cross Lake] Hunter Cross Lake
“Had previously lived together”
Private house at Cross Lake
Witnesses: William Sinclair
Joseph McKay
George Garrich

Minister: O. German

1879
Aug. 5th 390 Sandy Garrick
Bella Wāskenookoosen
[Cross Lake] Hunter “Had previously lived together”
Private house at Cross Lake
Witnesses: William Sinclair
Joseph McKay
George Garrich

Minister: O. German
1879
Aug. 5th
391 Charles Chookakakookāsew
[Cross Lake]

Sally [Ischan] Hunter Cross Lake
“Had previously lived together”
Private house at Cross Lake Witnesses: William Sinclair
Joseph McKay
George Garrich

Minister: O. German
1879
Aug. 5th
392 John Whiskey.jack
Mary Tomahopakoos
[Cross Lake]
Hunter
“Had previously lived together”
Private House at Cross Lake
Witnesses: William Sinclair
Joseph McKay
George Garrich

Minister: O. German
1879
Sept. 4th
393 Donald Ross Sinclair
[20] [Cross Lake]
Jane Bruce [15]
[Jack River] Hunter Parent’s consent at Rossville
Minister: O German
1880
Sept. 6
[unnumbered] Jacob Ross [25] [Cross
Lake]
Adelaide Paponekis [18]
[Rossville] Bach[elor]/ Spinster Hunter [By] Banns, Parents con-
sent at Rossville
Minister: O.German
1881
June 12
[unnumbered] Geo Kew[a]tinook[a]o

Mary Ann _
[Sepewask] Hunter Sepewask

Living together
“Married… on the rocks at
Sepawask”
Minister: O. German
1881
June 12
[unnumbered] John Kewātinokōs
Mary Kewātinokōo
[Sepewask] Hunter “Living together”
Sepewask
Minister: O. German

1881
July 3
[unnumbered] John Black
Mary Ann Black
[Cross Lake] Hunter “Living together”
Private house at Cross Lake
Witnesses: George Garrioch
George Paponekis
Minister: O. German
1881
July 3
[unnumbered] Peter Ross [22]
Jane Ross [20]
[Cross Lake] Hunter “consent of parents” Private house
at Cross Lake
Witnesses: Geo Garrioch
Geo Paponekis
Minister: O. German
“consent of parents”
1881 July 3 David Ross
Elizabeth Ross
[Cross Lake] Hunter “Living together” Private
House at Cross Lake
Witnesses: Geo Garrioch
Geo Paponekis
Minister: O German
1881 July 3 Isaac Ross
Mary Thomas
[Cross Lake]
Hunter
Private house at Cross Lake
Witnesses: Geo Garrioch
Geo Paponekis

“living together”
[1881]
Oct 14
[unnumbered] Joseph Kwāskekapo widower [Cross Lake] Eliza Sokwāwatum [Rossville] Hunter at Rossville by Bannes at
Rossville Chapel
Minister: O. German
[1881]
Dec 28
[unnumbered]
Samuel Solomon
Ellen McKay
[Cross Lake] Batch[elor]/ Spinster Hunter [By] Banns
Private house at Cross Lake
Witnesses: George Garrioch
George Paponekis
Minister: O. German
1882
July 2
[unnumbered] William Ross
Mary McKay
[Cross Lake] Batch[elor]/ Spinster Hunter Consent of Parents
Private house at Cross Lake Minister:
O. German
1882
Aug 23
[unnumbered] Alexander McKay [22]
Sally Pakwap [18]
[Cross Lake] Batch[elor]/ Spinster Hunter [With consent of:]
Parents
[By Banns] at Rossville
Minister: Orrin German
1882
Aug 24
[unnumbered] Sandy McKay [22]
Dinah Peter [17] [both from Cross Lake] Batch[elor]/ Spinster Hunter [By] Banns
[With Consent of ]
Parents At Rossville
Minister: Orrin German

188? Aug 24
[1881 and 1882 both appear on this record]
[unnumbered] Andrew Thomas [24]
Mary Jane Bruce[21]
[Cross Lake] Batch[elor]/ Spinster Hunter By Banns Parents at Rossville
Minister: Orrin German
[1881]
Aug 24
[unnumbered] Charles McKay [23] Bella Jack [16] [both from Cross Lake] Batch[elor]/ Spinster Hunter By Banns
With consent of Parents at
Rossville
Minister: Orrin German
1884
Dec 23
[unnumbered] Thomas Ross
Sasett
[Cross Lake] Hunter George Garrioch’s House at
Cross Lake
“Had been living together [inserted] unmarried – as
pagans.”
Witnesses:
Geo. Garrioch and George Papanekis Minister: E. Langford:
1884
Mar 30
[unnumbered] Thomas MacKay
Ellen Ross
[Cross Lake]
Hunter By Banns
Permission: “Parents, Chief and Counselors.”
George Garrioch’s House at
Cross Lake
Witnesses: George Garroch and Geo.Papanekis Minister: E Langford
[1884]
Aug 23rd
[unnumbered]
George McKay [20] Maria Garriock [17]
[both from Cross Lake] B[achelor]/ S[pinster] By Banns
Wesleyan Mission Cross
Lake
Witnesses: George Garrioch and Mrs. Garrioch Minister: John Semmens
1884
Aug 23
[unnumbered] John Peter [30] Betsy [25] Hunter “Had lived together for years.”
Mission at Cross Lake Witnesses: George Garrioch and Mrs. Garrioch Minister: John Semmens
1884
Aug 30
[unnumbered] William Happy Jack [20]
Sally Solomon [13]
[both from Cross Lake] B[achelor]/ S[pinster] At Rossville
Minister: John Semmens
[1884] Elijah Scott [30]
Bella Kewatinocāo [18]
[both from Cross lake] B[achelor]/ S[pinster] At Rossville
Minister: John Semmens

1884
Dec 21
[unnumbered]
BaptisteArmstrong [25]
Janie Ross [18]
[both Cross Lake] B[anns]
At Rossville
Minister: John Semmens
1888
March 9th
[unnumbered] Johnston Halcrow [17] [Norway House]
Elizabeth Mackay [14]
[Cross Lake] B[achelor[/ S[pinster] Hunter Consent: “All Parties”
By B[anns]
At Rossville

1888
Aug 21
[unnumbered] James Ross
Elizabeth Scott
[both from Cross Lake] B[achelor]/ S[pinster] Hunter By B[anns]
With consent of Parents
“Wesleyan Chapel at Cross
Lake”
Minister: Edward Eves
Witnesses: Geo Garroch and
Mrs Geo Garroch
1888
Aug 21
[unnumbered] David Ross
Elizabeth [Ross]
[Cross Lake] B[achelor]/ S[pinster] Hunter By B[anns]
At Cross Lake Witnesses:
Geo Garroch and Mrs Geo
Garroch
Minister: Edward Eves
1888
Aug 21
[unnumbered] Jno Cook
Annie Garrock
[Cross Lake] Hunter By B[anns]
At Cross Lake Witnesses:
Geo Garroch and Mrs Geo
Garroch
Minister: Edward Eves
1888
Aug 21
[unnumbered] Benjamin Jake
Caroline Ross
[Cross Lake] Hunter By Banns
At Cross Lake
Witnesses: Geo Garroch and
Mrs Geo Garroch
[1888
Aug 21]
[unnumbered] Jno Cook
Bella Garrock
[Cross Lake] B[achelor]/ S[pinster] Hunter By Banns
At Cross Lake Minister:Edward Eves

Appendix H: Norway House Journal Transcriptions,
Excerpted References to Cross Lake and John Scott’s Lake

Norway House Journal Transcriptions, References to Cross Lake and John Scott’s Lake

B.154/a/65 Norway House – Post Journal 1861-1863
[written on page 2- “copied from Journal kept by W. Sinclair Esq. to the 22nd Inst.”]
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Nov. 30, 1861 Mr Ross & Stonny arrived from Cross Lake 30d
Dec. 4, 1861 Mr Ross started for Cross Lake. Hendry went with him to make a tour among the Indians. 31
Dec. 24, 1861 Mr Ross, Henry, William Isbister, and Magnus arrived from Cross Lake. 32d
Dec. 27, 1861 William Isbister, and Magnus start off to Cross Lake. 32d
Dec. 31, 1861 William Isbister, Able & Edward arrived from Cross Lake. 33
Jan. 4, 1862 Mr Ross and party start for Cross Lake. 33d
Feb. 12, 1862 Forsyth and Flett arrived from Cross Lake. 36d
Feb. 14, 1862 Mr Ross and Norman arrived from Cross Lake 37
Feb.19,1862 37d
Feb. 22, 1862 Cross Lake at 5 A.M. 37d
Mar. 4, 1862 Abel and Magnus arrived from Cross Lake 38d
Mar. 19, 1862 Messrs Ross and Flett started for Cross Lake. Thomas Mesteagun left the village for the same destination. 40
Mar.21, 1862 Flett arrived from Cross Lake. 40d
Mar. 28, 1862 George Paupaunakiss arrived from Cross Lake for Goods. 41
Mar. 31, 1862 George Paupaunakiss started for Cross Lake. 41d
Apr. 19, 1862 William Isbister and Edward arrived from Cross Lake…W. Isbister started for Cross Lake. 43-43d
Apr. 23, 1862 Edward Paupaunakiss and Magnus Budd started for Cross Lake 43d
May 2, 1862 Mr Ross arrived from Cross Lake 44d
May 5, 1862 Mr Ross started for Cross Lake 44d
May 24, 1862 Mr Ross with all his party arrived from Cross Lake 46d
May 29, 1862 A skiff was sent with the Cross Lake dogs to Johnny Oig’s. 47d
Oct. 3, 1862 Mr Ross making preparations to go to Cross Lake 57
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Oct. 14, 1862 Two Indians who left this to assist Mr Ross and party to Cross Lake, returned 58
Nov. 17, 1862 Mr Ross arrived this evening from Cross Lake accompanied by Stony 62
Nov. 20, 1862 Mr Ross preparing to return to Cross Lake 62
Nov. 21, 1862 Messrs Ross & McKenzie started this morning for Cross Lake where the latter is to remain in charge. Mr Ross is expected back about the beginning of the week. 62
Nov. 25, 1862 Mr Ross & Stoney arrived this morning from Cross Lake_ 62d
Dec. 7, 1862 George Paupanakiss (alias Stoney) 63d
Dec. 19, 1862 A letter received from Mr McKenzie, Cross Lake who has got his foot cut and unable to visit the Indians 64d
Dec. 30, 1862 Mr McKenzie arrived from Cross Lake with Able 65d
Jan. 2, 1863 Mr Ross & McDougall started for Cross Lake 65d
B.154/a/66 Norway House – Post Journal 1863-1868
From Jan. 1, 1863-Dec. 14, 1868
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Jan. 2, 1863 Messrs Ross & McDougall for Cross Lake 2
Jan. 21, 1863 Mr McDougall & party arrived from Cross Lake 3d
Jan. 26, 1863 Irvine, Charles & Duncan started for Cross Lake the latter two are to return with furs from Cross Lake. 3d
Jan. 30, 1863 Charles & Duncan arrived from Cross Lake. 4
Feb. 17, 1863 James Churchill arrived from Cross Lake with one of the wood Indians 5d
Feb. 22, 1863 Nanawon the Chief & two other Indians arrived from Poplar River 5d
Feb. 24, 1863 Mr Ross arrived from Cross Lake. 6
Mar. 4, 1863 Mr McKenzie & Edward started this morning for Cross Lake 6d
Mar. 12, 1863 Mr Ross started this morning for Cross Lake. 7
Mar. 17, 1863 Mr McKenzie, George & Edward Paupannakis arrived from Cross Lake 7d
Mar. 18, 1863 Thomas Mesteagun had started during the night with two sleds, it is supposed he has gone toward Cross Lake. George started for Cross Lake to acquaint Mr Ross of Thomas’ departure 7d

Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Mar. 30, 1863 Thomas Mesteagun arrived…from the neighbourhood of Cross Lake 8d
Apr. 10, 1863 Mr Ross, George Paulet, Charles & Edward arrived. Mr R. & party men the latter two on their way to Cross Lake who returned with them. 9d
Apr. 15, 1863 Mr Ross, George & Paulet started…for Cross Lake 10
May 10, 1863 Mr Ross & men arrived …from Cross Lake 12
May 19, 1863 MrRoss, Henry, Paulet, & Edward started…to visit the Indian below & in the neighbourhood of Cross Lake 13
May 31, 1863 Mr Ross and party arrived 14
Oct. 5, 1863 Mr D Ross & 3 men went to Cross Lake 21d
Oct. 16, 1863 Mr D. Ross arrived from Cross Lake. 22
Nov. 12, 1863 George & Churchill returned from the Cross Lake fishery 23d
Nov. 28, 1863 Mr Ross & party preparing to start for Cross Lake 24d
Nov. 30, 1863 Mr Ross & party started this morning for Cross Lake 24d
Dec. 7, 1863 r 25
Dec. 10, 1863 Pahpanakiss 25
Dec. 12, 1863 Paulet, George, Charles & Irvine arrived from Cross Lake 25d
Dec. 15, 1863 James Budd & Edward arrived from Cross Lake. 25d
Jan. 16, 1864 Mr Ross & two men arrived from Cross Lake 27d
Jan. 22, 1864 George arrived from Tepastenam 27d
Jan. 26, 1864 George, Paulet & Halcro started with 2 sleds to see the Chief. 28
Feb. 9, 1864 George, Paulet & Halcro arrived from the Chief. 29
Feb. 18, 1864 Mr Ross & party started for Cross Lake. 29d
Feb. 27, 1864 Mr Ross arrived from Cross Lake. 30
Mar. 10, 1864 Mr Ross & Charles started to see the Chief. 30d
Mar. 14, 1864 Irvine & Halcro started to see the Cross Lake Indians. 30d
Mar. 19, 1864 Irvine & Halcro returned from Cross Lake 31
Oct. 10, 1864 George & Churchel, started for Cross Lake, to make a fishery, to supply winter trippers with fish. Mr D. Ross & Duckhunter also went to Cross Lake to have a few days shooting. 49
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Oct. 18, 1864 Mr D Ross & Duckhunter returned 49d
Nov. 13, 1864 George & Halcro returned last evening from Cross Lake 51d
June 22, 1866 Albert & Edward came back from Cross Lake 96d
Sept. 30, 1868 George Paupanekess started with 5 men for Cross Lake in a Boat to oppose the Traders 155d
Oct. 5, 1868 The Old Chief (John Scott) took the remainder of his advances 156
Dec. 10, 1868 George Paupanakess & one of his men came in from Cross Lake 162
Dec. 11, 1868 George started with two sleds for Cross Lake 162
B.154/a/67 Norway House – Post Journal 1868-1869
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
May 25, 1868 Curleyhead came in from Cross Lake with Fur.
Peter Settee also came in from the same quarter. 3d
Sept. 14, 1868 Cross Lake today 16d
Sept. 29, 1868 Messrs Sinclair & M Tavish went off to see about dogs for Cross Lake 18d
Dec. 5, 1868 23d
Dec.11, 1868 George Papanekiss arrived from Cross Lake 24
Dec. 17, 1868 Henry arrived with Furs yesterday Evening from John Scott’s Lake. 24
Feb. 26, 1869 Berens’ River men returned – Cross Lake man also 27
Mar. 1, 1869 Mr Flett…started from John Scott’s Lake this morning_ 27d
Mar. 8, 1869 Mr Boyd arrived from Cross Lake 28
B. 154/a/68 Norway House – Post Journal 1868-1870
5 March 1868 to 6 May 1870
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Mar. 13, 1868 Henry Budd for Cross Lake 3d
Mar. 17, 1868 Henry Budd arrived from Cross Lake 4
Sept. 15, 1868 Mr A Sinclair started with two canoes after the freetraders down to Cross Lake. 22d
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Dec. 24, 1868 Petersen & Albert arrived from Cross Lake 30d
Jan. 21,1869 George & Edward Paupanikiss arrived from Cross Lake 32d
Jan. 22, 1869 George Paupanikiss started back for Cross Lake 32d
Jan. 23, 1869 Some of the freetraders arrived from Cross Lake 33
Feb. 9, 1869 Baptiste Cook arrived from Cross Lake 34d
Feb. 12, 1869 Albert Sinclair arrived from Cross Lake for some sundries for the trade 35
Feb. 24, 1869 Peterson arrived from Cross Lake. 36d
Feb. 25, 1869 Henry Budd for John Scott’s Lake…George Garrock arrived from the Grand Rapid 36d
Mar. 4, 1869 The Chief arrived with his queen from Cross Lake 37d
Mar. 8, 1869 Peterson arrived from Cross Lake along with the free traders 38
Mar. 11, 1869 Baptiste Cook started this morning back for Cross Lake. 38d
Apr. 1, 1869 George Paupanekiss arrived from Cross Lake with three trains of dogs 41
Apr. 2, 1869 41
Apr. 3, 1869 Cross Lake. 41
Apr. 17, 1869 Albert Sinclair arrived from Cross Lake 42d
Feb. 5, 1870 Abel Fraser arrived from Cross Lake 45
Apr. 19, 1870 Abel & Halcro arrived from Cross Lake for some more supplies 46
Apr. 20, 1870 Abel and Halcro started on their return for Cross Lake 46
B.154/a/69 Norway House – Post Journal 1869-1872
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Jan. 18, 1869 Henry & Felix arrived from Cross Lake and brought some Fur 7d
Jan. 21 , 1869 George & Edward arrived from Cross Lake 7d
Jan. 22, 1869 George Paupanakiss started alone for Cross Lake 8
Jan. 23, 1869 Some of the Freetraders arrived from Cross Lake 8
Mar. 4, 1869 The Old Chief & his wife arrived from Cross Lake 11d
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Mar. 8, 1869 Peaterson arrived from Cross Lake along with some of the Freetraders who are on their way to Red River 12a
Mar. 10, 1869 Baptiste Cook arrived from Cross Lake 12a
Mar. 11, 1869 Baptiste Cook & Peterson started for Cross Lake 12a
Apr. 1, 1869 George, Halcro & Albert arrived from Cross Lake 13
Apr. 3, 1869 The Cross Lake men returned home again. 13
Apr. 16, 1869 Albert & Peterson arrived from Cross Lake 14
Oct. 2, 1869 The Traders are making ready to send down to Cross Lake 26
Oct. 4, 1869 One Boat of Freetraders started for Cross Lake William Cochran in charge 26
Oct. 5, 1869 One Boat started for Cross Lake to oppose the Traders G. Paupanakiss in charge 26
Oct. 17, 1869 J. Crate & Edward arrived from Cross Lake an Indian died this morning from a Jack Fish bite 27
Nov. 13, 1869 Halcro & Abel arrived from Cross Lake 29
Mar.4, 1870 from Cross Lake 34d
Mar. 7, 1870 34d
Mar. 9, 1870 Flett & two men started for Cross Lake 35
Mar. 11, 1870 Mr. Stewart & party returned from Cross Lake 35
Jan. 5, 1871 Two other trains also started for the Indian camps in the direction of Cross Lake. 53d
B.154/a/70 Norway House – Post Journal 1872-1874
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Jan. 6, 1873 Henry & J. Bushey started for John Scott’s Lake. 15d
Jan. 15, 1873 Edward & Halcro returned from Cross Lake 16
Jan. 16, 1873 Henry & Bouchez returned from John Scott’s Lake 16
Feb. 10, 1873 Edward & Scott started for Cross Lake. …Henry & J. Bouchez started for John Scott’s Lake 17d
Feb. 19, 1873 Old Henry & Bouchez returned from John Scott’s Lake 18
Feb. 21, 1873 Edward & Scott returned from Cross Lake 18d
Mar. 31, 1873 Revd Mr. Semmons went down to Cross Lake to see some of the Indians there 20d
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Dec. 19, 1873 Henry Curleyhead with an Indian lad, started to visit the Indian camps in the direction of John
Scott’s Lake.…Two Indians arrived from Cross Lake 36d
Feb. 2, 1874 Revd Ruttan started with three men for Cross Lake to go & see some of the Indians. 39
Feb. 5, 1874 Edward & 1 Indian started on a trip to see the Cross Lake Indians 39
June 1, 1874 Albert & J. Crate got ready to go to Cross Lake. 46
June 2, 1874 Albert & J. Crate started this morning for Cross Lake. 46
IM1014
B.154/a/71 Norway House – Post Journal 1874-1877
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Jan. 11, 1875 Abel & Crate started for John Scott’s Lake 5d
Jan. 13, 1875 Edward & Amos started for Cross Lake 5d
Jan. 20, 1875 6
Jan. 21, 1875 6
Mar. 3, 1875 8d
Mar. 9, 1875 Edward & A Crate started for Cross Lake 8d
Mar. 30, 1875 Henry & a Boy went down to John Scott’s Lake. 10
Apr. 10, 1875 Henry & Ma[?] returned from John Scot’s Lake 11
Apr. 28, 1875 An Indian came in from John Scott’s Lake for amunition 12
May 26, 1875 Thos. Grieve & a Boy got ready to start for Cross Lake 14
June 7, 1875 J. Crate & 2 Indians started in the large Canoe with Flour, Tea, &c to meet the wood Indians at Cross Lake. 15
June 17, 1875 Heard of a canoe belonging to a petty Freetrader starting for Cross Lake. 17
Oct. 1, 1875 The traders are reported to be off for Cross Lake or thereabout, Thomas Mesteagun going as their guide. 20
Oct. 5, 1875 Mr Alexr Sinclair left for Cross Lake,. 20d
Oct. 9, 1875 Garson & Garriock still at work 20d
Oct. 14, 1875 Mr Alexr Sinclair came back from Cross Lake 21

Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Oct. 20, 1875 Mr Alexr Sinclair left with one man in a canoe, to take charge of Cross Lake Post….Garriock moved into the men’s house, his wife to cook for the men. 21
Oct. 21, 1875 Garriock took McLean’s place 21d
Nov. 13, 1875 Mr Alexr Sinclair arrived from Cross Lake, to get his train of dogs. 22d
Nov. 16, 1875 Mr Alexr Sinclair left for Cross Lake 22d
Dec. 3, 1875 One sled left for Cross Lake post. 23
Dec. 5, 1875 Henry & 1 Indian Boy started for John Scott’s Lake 23
Dec. 7, 1875 Sled returned from Cross Lake 23
Dec. 14, 1875 Halcro & Angus Smith,B, came from Cross Lake Post 23d
Dec. 17, 1875 Henry Budd returned from John Scott’s Lake 23d
Dec. 23, 1875 Mr Alexr Sinclair arrived from Cross Lake 24
Dec. 25, 1875 Halcro returned to Cross Lake. 24
Dec. 29, 1875 George Paupanakiss & family arrived from Cross Lake. 24d
Jan. 2, 1876 24d
Jan. 19, 1876 Alex r Crate. 25d
Jan. 25, 1876 Mr Ross returned from Cross Lake with Abel Fraser. 25d
Jan. 26, 1876 Paulet & Alex Crate returned from Cross Lake 26a
Jan. 31, 1876 Mr. Alex. Sinclair & A. Smith, C,arrived from Cross Lake 26a
Feb. 1, 1876 men loading sleds and getting ready to start for Cross Lake. 26a
Feb. 2, 1876 Four sleds left for Cross Lake taking goods & provisions 26a
Feb. 4, 1876 Mr Alexr Sinclair left for Cross Lake 26a
Feb. 6, 1876 The four sleds that took down goods &c to Cross Lake returned this evening. 26ad
Feb. 10, 1876 Abel Fraser left for Cross Lake. 26ad
Feb. 17, 1876 Mr. Hughes ( free trader) arrived from Cross Lake 26b
Mar. 8, 1876 Magnus Budd left for Cross Lake taking down goods. 27
Mar. 9, 1876 Alexr Crate & D. Paupanakiss started for John Scott’s Lake. 27

Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Mar. 11, 1876 McRae, Jas Crate & an two Indians boy left for Cross Lake, loaded with goods & provisions. Magnus Budd returned from Cross Lake & brought up a load of fur. 27d
Mar. 15, 1876 Two trains of free-traders started for Cross Lake, & Bte Cook followed them. 27d
Mar. 17, 1876 Alex. Crate returned from John Scott’s Lake bringing fur. 28
Mar. 25, 1876 Abel Fraser & S. Macrae started for Cross
Lake… Bte Cook returned [28d] from Cross Lake, having made a trip as far as Pipestone Lake. 28
Mar. 28, 1876 Three sleds started for Cross Lake loaded with tea, flour & pemmican. 28d
Mar. 30, 1876 Four sleds started for Cross Lake, loaded with flour. Three sleds returned from Cross Lake S.
Macrae returning with them. 28d
Apr. 1, 1876 Four sleds returned from Cross Lake. 29
Apr. 3, 1876 Mr Alexr Sinclair arrived from Cross Lake. 29
Apr. 6, 1876 r r loaded with goods. 29
Apr. 14, 1876 Abel Fraser returned from Cross Lake. 29d
Apr. 19, 1876 Jas Crate, D. McRae & Halcro came from Cross Lake, bringing fur, McRae & Crate were tripping from Cross Lake Post. 30
Apr. 21, 1876 Halcro returned to Cross Lake taking down sundries. 30
Apr. 25, 1876 Revd J.H. Ruttan returned from Cross Lake 30
Apr. 26, 1876 James & William Crate started for Cross Lake. Thos Mustagun also started for the same place to assist at the Rat trade 30d
May 10, 1876 Two Boys arrived from Cross Lake. Mr. Sinclair sent them for a Canoe. 31d
May 15, 1876 Abel going on to Cross Lake. 31d
May 27, 1876 Paulet started for Cross Lake in a canoe. 32d
June 3, 1876 Paulet returned from Cross Lake. 33
June 8, 1876 Bte Cook started for Cross Lake in a canoe with Geo. Garrioch. Abel returned from Cross Lake yesterday. 33d
June 15, 1876 The boat came up from Cross Lake with furs, Bte Cook & Geo. Garrioch coming with it 34

Date Journal Entry Folio Number
June 17, 1876 Mr Alexr Sinclair returned from Cross Lake. 34
Aug. 14, 1876 The Cross Lake Indians were paid their treaty money today. 38d
Aug. 21, 1876 Garrioch 39
Sept. 26, 1876 The Cross Lake Outfit being laid out. 40d
Sept. 30, 1876 Geo. Paupanakiss left for Cross Lake with one boat, to take charge of that post 41
Oct. 8, 1876 James Crate returned from Cross Lake. 41d
Oct. 14, 1876 Two boats belonging to Mr Hughes started for below, one to Cross Lake & one to Cross
Portage. 41d
Oct. 17, 1876 Mr D. McTavish left for Cross Lake with one boat to make arrangements to oppose the traders 42
Oct. 23, 1876 Mr D. C. McTavish returned from Cross Lake 42
Dec. 1, 1876 Mr. D.C. McTavish left for Cross Lake. 44
Dec. 7, 1876 Mr D.C. McTavish returned from Cross Lake. 44d
Dec. 11, 1876 Henry Budd went to John Scott’s Lake 45
Dec. 20, 1876 45d
Jan. 3, 1877 3 sleds … as far as John Scott’s Lake. 46d
Jan. 9, 1877 Angus Smith, Alexander Crate,& John Cook, arrived from John Scott’s Lake. 47
Jan. 14, 1877 Angus Smith, John Cook, Alex Crate, started for Cross Lake with 3 sleds. 47
Jan. 17, 1877 Angus Smith, Alex Crate, John Cook, arrived from Cross Lake 47d
Jan. 31, 1877 Angus Smith started for Cross Lake 48
Feb. 5, 1877 Angus Smith arrived this evening from Cross Lake 48d
Feb. 12, 1877 Mr. D. MacTavish, John Cook, & Angus Smith, started for Cross Lake, 3 sleds Willie Crate & Donald Paupanikiss arrived from Cross Lake. 49
Feb. 14, 1877 W. Crate & Donald Paupanikiss returned to Cross Lake. 49
Feb. 15, 1877 Mr M’Tavish arrived from Cross Lake 49
Feb. 27, 1877 Hugh Cockran came up from Cross Lake bringing the body of a little girl, of Spinooches 49d
Mar. 1, 1877 Hugh Cockrane returned to Cross Lake. 50
Mar. 18, 1877 Thomas Mesteagun’s son arrived from John Scott’s Lake. 51

Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Mar. 21, 1877 George Paupanakiss & W. Crate came up from Cross Lake 51
Mar. 23, 1877 George Paupanakiss & Willie Crate returned to Cross Lake, with Robert Paupanikiss 3 sleds. 51
Apr. 11, 1877 Thomas Mesteagon came in for good, from John Scotts Lake. where he has been trading for the company_ 52d
Apr. 15, 1877 Halcro with 3 sleds from Cross Lake 53
Apr. 18, 1877 Willie Crate & Donald Paupanakiss arrived from Cross Lake. 53
May 26, 1877 Paulet & Alex Crate arrived from Cross Lake 54b
June 5, 1877 Halcro sent up two men from Cross Lake for Potatoes 55
June 6, 1877 George sent up two men from Cross Lake 55
June 16, 1877 Jack Hall started for Cross Lake. 56
June 18, 1877 The Split Lake, Cross Portage & Cross Lake trading partners arrived together this morning. … George Paupanakiss is still at Cross Lake looking after his goods & to see some Indians that had not come in yet. 56
July 10, 1877 57d
Aug. 25, 1877 today 61
Aug. 30, 1877 The last of the Wood Indians have left for Cross Lake as they could not remain longer for their provisions. 61d
Sept. 16, 1877 Mr D. Sinclair returned from Cross Lake having surveyed the reserve at that place for the Indians 63
Sept. 26, 1877 Laid out the Cross Lake Outfit. 64

I1
Appendix I: Norway House Journal Transcriptions, Excerpted References to Tapastanum

References to Tapastanum and Others Norway House Journal
B.154/a/52 Norway House- Post Journal 1850-1851
Commencing on the 1st June 1850 Ending on the 31st May 1851
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
June 6, 1854 The Indians Paul, John Scott and Isaac arrived 45d
June 9, 1854 The Indian Mesakeekooniss and party arrived
June 10, 1854 The Indian Tepastennum & party arrived 46
Sept. 30, 1854 The Indian Mesakeekooniss took his winter supplies 60
By Rodk McKenzie Junior
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
May 27, 1851 The Indian Tepastennum and brothers arrived 40d
B.154/a/53
Norway House – Post Journal 1850-1851
April 1850-September 1851
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Sept. 4, 1851 hunting grounds. 60
B.154/a/54
Norway House – Post Journal 1851-1852
By Roderick McKenzie Junior
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
May 26, 1852 Tepastennum and party 39d
B.154/a/58 Norway House – Post Journal 1853-1854
From May 1853 to December 1854
I2
B.154/a/59 Norway House – Post Journal 1854-1855
For the year ending 31st May 1855 By R. McKenzie Jr.
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
June 6, 1854 The Indians John Scott & Isaac 2
Sept. 30, 1854 The Indian Mesakeekooniss & party were supplied with their equipments 14d
Jan. 3, 1855 The Indian Mesakeekooniss & party 24d
Jan. 16, 1855 The Indian Tepastennum & brother arrived 26
Jan. 18, 1855 The Indian Tepastennum & brother took their departure_also a party of the village hunters 26
Apr. 19, 1855 The Indian Tepastennum and party have got their wants supplied and are ready to start_ 35d
B.154/a/60 Norway House – Post Journal 1855-1856
Commencing 1st June 1855 and ending 31st May 1856
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Jan. 16, 1856 c 28
Jan. 24, 1856 Henry Budd and Donald McIver who went off on the 16th Inst for the purpose of visiting.
“Tepastennum”, arrived, having got their sleds well loaded with furs from some Indians before reaching Tepastennums encampment they returned without seeing him 28d
Feb. 28, 1856 Mr. Lilley and Henry Curleyhead with a train of Dogs went off to see the Indian “Tepastennum” 32
Mar. 10, 1856 Mr. Lilley and Henry Curleyhead …returned …
McIver & Peter … went off to bring home some Furs 33
Mar. 12, 1856 Henry & Norman preparing to be off to the Indian Tepastennum again for some Furs which could not be taken on the first trip. 33d
Mar. 13, 1856 Henry & Norman with a train of Dogs started for “Tepastennum” accompanied by Hector & Allan with two trains of dogs who are to assist them for the days march 33d
Mar. 20, 1856 Budd and Norman who went off on the 13th Inst, returned 34
Mar. 21, 1856 McIver and Allan were sent off for some furs accompanied by the wood Indians. 34
I3
B.154/a/62 Norway House – Post Journal 1856-1857
1st June 1856-31st May 1857
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
June 2, 1856 Kanehapenow the chief and Menoocoonaicis arrived 1
June 3, 1856 the Indian Tepastennum and a dozen others arrived 1
Dec. 29, 1856 Henry and McIver….sent off to see the Indian
“Tepastennum”. The Cumberland Indian also left. 16
B.154/a/63 Norway House – Post Journal 1857-1858
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Dec. 28, 1863 George & Halcro with 1 sled left for Cross Lake to visit Tepastenam. 26
Jan. 9, 1864 George & Halcro arrived from Cross Lake. 27
Jan. 12, 1864 George & Paulet started to see Tepastenam, Charles & Halcro to visit the chief 27
Jan. 16, 1864 Mr Ross & two men arrived from Cross Lake 27d
Jan. 22, 1864 George arrived from Tepastenam 27d
Jan. 26, 1864 George, Paulet & Halcro started with 2 sleds to see the Chief. 28
1st June 1857 – 31st May 1858
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Dec. 3, 1857 Henry and Malcolm sent off to see Tepastennum. 16
Jan. 25, 1858 Henry and Murdoch sent off to Tepestennum. Hector and Murdock McIver sent off to see Stevenson. 19
Jan. 29, 1858 Tepestennum and some other Indians arrived 19d
B.154/a/65 Norway House – Post Journal 1861-1863
[Written on folio 2- “copied from Journal kept by W. Sinclair Esq. to the 22nd Inst.”]
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Feb. 19, 1861 Henry and Edward started off to see Teapastennum. Flett and an Indian to look after Indians in the Winepagoosis side. 6d
Apr. 1, 1862 Three Indian boys arrived from Teapastenam. 42
B.154/a/66 Norway House – Post Journal 1863-1868
From Jan. 1, 1863-Dec. 14, 1868
I4
Date Journal Entry Folio Number
Feb. 9, 1864 George, Paulet & Halcro arrived from the Chief. 29
Mar.22, 1864 Tepastenam & party of Bush Indians arrived. 31-31d
Mar. 28, 1864 two marriages in the village to day Johnny Oig gave a feast in celebration of them his son being one of the Bridegrooms. 31d
Mar. 29, 1864 Tepastenam & party of Bush Indians departed 32
Aug. 8, 1864 Tepastenam & band of wood Indians arrived 43d
Feb. 13, 1865 Tapastannum returned to his hunting grounds 59
Apr. 5, 1865 Teapastennum, his son & another Indian arrived from the bush 63
Apr. 7, 1866 Teapastennum took his departure this evening. 63d
Jan. 2, 1866 Tapastennum came in from the bush 85
July 29, 1868 Big Tom Steersman 150
Oct. 5, 1868 The Old Chief (John Scott) took the remainder of his advances 156
B.154/a/67

Appendix J: Treaty Annuity Paysheets, Cross Lake, 1875       J1 

C-7135
Indian Affairs. Treaty Annuity Paylists.
Treaties 1, 2, 3 and 5. 1871-1876
(R.G. 10, Volume 9351)
Date
[all
1875] No. Name Person Paid Wives Boys Girls Other Relations No. of Persons Paid Remarks
Sep 25 1 Ta-pas-ta-num or
D.W. S. Ross, Chief 1 1 1 1 1 5
[Sep
25] 2 Paa-sah-pan-noo-koo 1 1 2 Drawn by the Chief
[Sep
25] 3 Isaac Ta-pas-ta-num 1 1 3
[Sep
25] 4 Proud McKay Councillor 1 5
[Sep
25] 5 George Garrioch do [Councillor] 3
[Sep
25] 6 Wee-chuck-hoo-na- cas] 1 3 2 8 Grand Children
[Sep
25] 7 Mas-qua 1 1 1 3
[Sep
25] 8 Blacksmith 1 1
[Sep
25] 9 Ap-ce-ne-nish 1 1 orphan
[Sep
25] 10 Noah 1 1 orphan
[Sep
25] 11 [Kee-cee-kas-ta-ohkee-nam] 1 2 3 4 10
[Sep
25] 12 John Scatch 1 1 1 1 3 Drawn by his father
[Sep
25] 13 Quas-kin-wes-keenum 1 1 1 1 4 Mother
[Sep
25] 14 Ques-kin-nee –pinwes-cum 1 1 4 1 7
Folios 120-121

Indian Treaty Pay Sheet, Treaty No. 5
Cross Lake Band
Ta-pas-ta-num or Donald William Sinclair Ross Chief
Letter J
Sept 25th 1875
Folios 120-121  
J2
Date
[all
1875] No. Name Person Paid Wives Boys Girls Other Relations No. of Persons Paid Remarks
[Sep
25] 15 Ka-kee-kay-noo-keesoo 1 1 1 3
[Sep
25] 16 Kaa-nee-hah-pea-now 1 1 2
[Sep
25] 17 Tea-wa-hah-pe-koos 1 2 2 2 7
[Sep
25] 18 Pah-paa-moo-tah-ohkee-mah 1 1 1 3 Drawn by No 17 (his father)
[Sep
25] 19 Magnus 1 1 2 [Drawn by no. 17 (his father)]
[Sep
25] 20 Mee-chaw 1 1 1 3
[Sep
25] 21 Thomas Ques-keenoo-kee-caw 1 2 3
[Sep
25] 22 Pah-kwab 1 2 2 5 10
[Sep
25] 23 Kah-wee-che-quanmah 1 1 1 2 5
[Sep
25] 24 Ques-kah-kee-tem 1 1 5
[Sep
25] 25 Baptiste Kah-nee-tahway- 1 2
[Sep
25] 26 Elijah John Scott 2 5
[Sep
25] 27 Oh-nee-peen-nash 1 4 3 9
[Sep
25] 28 Way-see-poo-way-sis 1 *1 2 *Brother
[Sep
25] 29 Nah-[y]ak-wa-skum 1 1 1 3
[Sep
25] 30 Kee-quau-oh-otway 1 1 1 3 Widow & children
[Sep
25] 31 Mary Cook 1 1
Sep 25 32 Margaret Garrioch 1 1 Widow
[Sep
25] 33 Annie Ques-kee-num 1 1
[Sep
25] 34 William Nee-ka-nash 1 1 2
[Sep
25] 35 Peter Nelson River 1 1 2 4 Drawn by Rod Ross H.B. Coy
J3
Date
[all
1875] No. Name Person Paid Wives Boys Girls Other Relations No. of Persons Paid Remarks
[Sep
25] 36 John “ [Nelson River] 1 1 1 3 [Drawn by Rod Ross H.B. Coy]
[Sep
25] 37 John Bruce 1 1 2 5 9 [Drawn by Rod Ross H.B. Coy]
[Sep
25] 38 Robert Frog 1 2 2 5 10 [Drawn by Rod Ross H.B. Coy]
[Sep
25] 39 Andrew Oke-way-teno-kay 1 2 2 5 [Drawn by Rod Ross H.B. Coy]
[Sep
25] 40 James do [Oke-wayte-no-kay] 1 1 [Drawn by Rod Ross H.B. Coy]
[Sep
25] 41 John do [Oke-wayte-no-kay] 1 1 [Drawn by Rod Ross H.B. Coy]

K1
Appendix K: Treaty Annuity Paysheets, Cross Lake, 1876

C-7135
Indian Affairs. Treaty Annuity Paylists.
Treaties 1, 2, 3, and 5. 1871-1876
(R.G. 10, Volume 9351)
Date
[all
1876] No. Name Person Paid Wives Boys Girls Other Relations No. of Persons Paid Remarks
Au-
gust 14 1 Ta-pas-ta-num or
D.W. S. Ross, Chief 1 1 1 1
1 5
[Augu
st 14] 2 Paa-sah-pan-noo-koo 1 2 Drawn by Chief
[Augu
st 14] 3 Isaac Ta-pas-ta-num 1 1 3 [Drawn by Chief]
[Augu
st 14] 4 Proud McKay “Councillor” 1 2 6
[Augu
st 14] 5 George Garrioch Do [Councillor] 1 1 3
[Augu
st 14] 6 Wee-chuck- koo- ha- ces 1 2 3 2 8 Drawn by Chief
[Augu
st 14] 7 Mas-qua 1 1 1 3 [Drawn by Chief]
[Augu
st 14] 8 Blacksmith 1 1
[Augu
st 14] 9 Ap-ce-ne-nish 1 1
Folios 284-285

Indian Treaty Pay Sheet, Treaty No. 5
Cross Lake Band
Ta-pas-ta-num or Donald William Sinclair Ross Chief
Letter J
August 14th 1876
Folios 284-285  
K2
Date
[all
1876] No. Name Person Paid Wives Boys Girls Other Relations No. of Persons Paid Remarks
[Augu
st 14] 10 Noah 1 1 Drawn by Chief
[Augu
st 14] 11 Kee-cee-kas-ta-ohkee- nam 1 2 3 5 11
[Augu
st 14] 12 John Scatch 1 1 1 3
[Augu
st 14] 13 Ques-kin-wes-keenam 1 1 1 1 4 Drawn by Chief
[Augu
st 14] 14 Ques-kun-nee-pinwes-cum] 1 1 4 1 7
[Augu
st 14] 15 Ka-kee-kay-noo-keesoo 1 1 1 3
[Augu
st 14] 16 Kaa-nee-hah-pee-now 1 1 2 Drawn by Chief
[Augu
st 14] 17 Tu-ma-hah-pee-koos 1 2 7 Drawn by Mr R. Ross
[Augu
st 14] 18 Pah-paa-moo-tah-ohkee-mah 1 3
[Augu
st 14] 19 Magnus 2
[Augu
st 14] 20 Mee-chaw 1 1 1 4
[Augu
st 14] 21 Thomas Ques-keenoo-kee-san 1 1 2 4
[Augu
st 14] 22 Pah-kwabKwab 1 2 2 5 10
[Augu
st 14] 23 Kah-wee-cha-quanmah 1 1 1 2 5
K3
Date
[all
1876] No. Name Person Paid Wives Boys Girls Other Relations No. of Persons Paid Remarks
[Augu
st 14] 24 Ques-kah-kee-tem 1 1 3 5
[Augu
st 14] 25 Baptiste Kah-nee-tahway 1 1 2 Drawn by wife
[Augu
st 14] 26 Elijah John Scott 1 1 1 2 5 [Drawn by wife]
[Augu
st 14] 27 Oh-nee-peen-nash 1 1 4 3 9 Drawn by Mr R Ross
[Augu
st 14] 28 Way-see-poo-way-sis 1 1 2 Drawn by Sister
[Augu
st 14] 29 Nah-yah-wa-skam 1 1 1 3 Drawn by Chief
[Augu
st 14] 30 Kee-quan-oh-otway 1 1 1 3 widow [Drawn by Chief]
[Augu
st 14] 31 Mary Cook 1 1
[Augu
st 14] 32 Margaret Garrioch 1
[Augu
st 14] 33 Annie Ques-kee-num 1 Drawn by Mr R. Ross
Au-
gust 14 34 William Nee-ha-nash 1 2
[Augu
st 14] 35 Peter Nelson River 1 1 2 4
[Augu
st 14] 36 John Nelson River 1 1 1 1 4
[Augu
st 14] 37 John Bruce 1 1 5 7 Drawn by Mr R. Ross to be changed to
Norway House
Band
Date
[all
1876] No. Name Person Paid Wives Boys Girls Other Relations No. of Persons Paid Remarks
[Augu
st 14] 38 Robert Frog 1 2 1 6 10
[Augu
st 14] 39 Andrew
Oke-way-te-no-kay 1 2 2 5 Drawn by Mr R. Ross
[Augu
st 14] 40 James
Oke-way-te-no-kay 1 1 1 3
[Augu
st 14] 41 John
Oke-way-te-no kay 1 1
Following were not on 1875 list
[Augu
st 14] 42 Sallie 1 1
[Augu
st 14] 43 Baptiste Garrioch 1 2 1 1 5
[Augu
st 14] 44 Joseph
Ques-kee-qua-pow 1 2 2 5
[Augu
st 14] 45 Mary 1 2 3 Widow
K4

Appendix L: Treaty Annuity Paysheets, Cross Lake, 1877

C-7135
Indian Affairs
Treaty Annuity Paylists
Treaties 1, 2, 3, and 5
1877
(R.G. 10, Volume 9352)
Date
[all
1877] No. Name Person Paid Wives Boys Girls Other Relations No. of
Persons
Paid Remarks
Aug 25 1 Ap-ce-ne-nish Son of 44 paid

[August
25] 2 Blacksmith 1 1
[August
25] 3 Bruce John 1 1 4 6 Drawn by Mr R.
Ross
Changed to
Norway House
Band

[August
25] 4 Cook Mary 1 1

[August
25] 5 Frog Robert 1 2 1 6 10

[August
25] 6 Garrioch George 1 1 1 3 Councillor
[August
25] 7 Garrioch Margaret 1 1
[August
25] 8 Garrioch Baptiste 1 2 1 1 5

Folios 147-149

Indian Treaty Pay Sheet, Treaty No. 5
Cross Lake Band
Ta-pas-ta-num or Donald Wm Sinclair Ross Chief
Letter J
Paid on Aug. 11th [1877] at Norway House
C-7135
RG10
Vol. 9352  
L2
Date
[all
1877] No. Name Person Paid Wives Boys Girls Other Relations No. of
Persons
Paid Remarks
[August
25] 9 Kee-cee-ha-taoh-kee-man 1 2 2 4 9
[August
25] 10 Ka-kee-kaynoo-kee-soo Thos 1 1 2 4 should be Thomas
Thomas
[August
25] 11 Kaa-nee-kahpee-now 1 1 2 should be John Scott
[August
25] 12 Kah-nee-chequan-nah 1 1 1 2 5
[August
25] 13 Kah-nee-tahway Baptiste 1 1 2
[August
25] 14 Kee-quan-ohotway (xx) 1 1

[August
25] 15 McKay, Proud 1 1 2 2 6 Councillor
[August
25] 16 Mas-qua 1 1 3
[August
25] 17 Magnus 1 1 2
[August
25] 18 Mee-cham 1 4 shd be Mee-cheo Albert
[August
25] 19 Mary (w) 1

[August
25] 20 Noah
[August
25] 21 Nah-yah-waskam 1 1 1 3
[August
25] 22 Nee-ha-nash William 1 1 2 [Councillor No 15 [draw?] for wife]

Aug 25 23 Oh-nee-peennash 1 1 3 2 1 8
[August
25] 24 Oke-way-teno-kay Andrew 1 2 2 1 6
[August
25] 25 [Oke-way-teno-kay] John 1 1 1 3
[August
25] 26 [Oke-way-teno-kay] James 1 1

Date
[all
1877] No. Name Person Paid Wives Boys Girls Other Relations No. of
Persons
Paid Remarks
[August
25] 27 Paa-sah-pannoo-koo 1 1 2
[August
25] 28 Pah-paa-mootah-oh-keemah 1 1 2 4 Should be Thos Ross
[August
25] 29 Pah-kwab 1 2 2 5 10

[August
25] 30 Ques-kin-weskee-nam 1 1 1 1 4
[August
25] 31 Ques-kim-nee– pin-wes-cum 1 1 [4] 1 7
[August
25] 32 Ques-kee-nookee-saw Thos 1 1 1 3
[August
25] 33 Ques-kah-keetem 1 1 1 4 7
[August
25] 34 Ques-kee-num
[August
25] 35 Ques-kee-quapow Joseph 1 5 Children of the woman by her own Father, money pd to
Woman

[August
25] 36 River Peter Nelson 1 2 3 dead, Widow’s name Mary
[August
25] 37 River, John 1 1 1 1 4

[August
25] 38 Scratch John 1 1 1 1 4
[August
25] 26 Scott Elijah John 1 1 2 2 6
[August
25] 40 Sallie 1 1 2 a daughter (insane)

[August
25] 41 Ta-pas-ta-num or DW. S Ross 1 1 1 1 4 Chief
L4
Date
[all
1877] No. Name Person Paid Wives Boys Girls Other Relations No. of
Persons
Paid Remarks
[August
25] 41 Ta-pas-ta-num Isaac 1 1 1 3
[August
25] 43 Tu-ma-kah-peekoos 1 1 2 2 6

[August
25] 44 Wee-chuckkoo-ha-ces 1 2 2 1 6
[August
25] 45 Way-see-pooway-sis

      added 1877 

[August
25] 46 Thomas Andrew 1 1 Son of Thomas No 10
[August
25] 47 Oka-way-te-nokay-o George 1 1
[August
25] 48 Min-ne-ko-nasis John 1 1 6
[August
25] 49 Kas-ke-has-kaho-ga-num [Thos] 1 1
[August
25] 50 Ta-pas-ta-nam Jacob 1 1
[August
25] 51 Garrioch Alexander 1 1
[August
25] 52 Ke-ne-wan-o-tauas-squee (w) 1 2 1 4
[August
25] 53 Ques-kee-quapew Eleanor 1 1 Daughter of No 35
[August
25] 54 McKay George 1 1 2 3 7
[August
25] 55 McKay William 1 1
[August
25] 56 Solomon 1 1 2 2 6
[August
25] 57 Whiskey John 1 1 2 1 5
[August
25] 58 McKay John 1 1 2

Date
[all
1877] No. Name Person Paid Wives Boys Girls Other Relations No. of
Persons
Paid Remarks
[August
25] 59 Seaman John 1 1
[August
25] 60 Quas-ke-kappo Michael Absent, pay double in 1878

Folios 284-285

Appendix M: Excerpts from Methodist Baptismal records [Rossville Mission]: People from Cross Lake and John Scott’s Lake Baptized June to September 1875, United Church Archives, Winnipeg, Wesleyan
Methodist Register of Baptisms Norway House, 1840-1849 and Treaty
Annuity Pay List, Indian Treaty Pay Sheet, Treaty No. 5
Cross Lake Band, Ta-pas-ta-num or Donald William Sinclair Ross Chief Letter J, Sept 25th 1875.
Parents’ Name
When
Baptized Child’s
Name Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Age When Baptized
[1875]
June 13
No. 1575 Catherine James and Isabella Jacob Cross Lake 6 months
[1875]
June 20
No. 1579 Nancy Jacob and Annie Pacase Cross Lake 6 months
[1875]
July 4
No. 1581 Lydia John and Peggy Cross Lake 3 months
[1875]
July 11
No. 1582 Donald
William
Sinclair
Ross A noted conjuror for many years, who long resisted the teachings of
Christianity John Scots Lake
Norway House
District 70 years
[1875]
July 18
No. 1586 Thomas Kisiastāokanum Pagan parents Kisiastāokanum John Scots Lake
Norway House
District 25 Years
[1875]
July 18
No. 1587 John Scott Kisiastāokanum [Pagan parents] [Kisiastāokan um] [John Scots
Lake Norway
House District] 27 years
[1875]
July 18
No. 1588 Isaac Donald William Sinclair Ross Tāpastānum [John Scots
Lake Norway
House District] 23 years
[1875]
July 18
No. 1589
Magnus Chomohapācoos John and Charlott Chomohapākoos (The father not yet baptized has had several wives, says he has putt hem all away but one. Is thinking to be baptized.) [John Scots
Lake Norway
House District] 19 years

      Parents’ Name             

When
Baptized Child’s
Name Son or Daughter Christian Surname Abode Age When Baptized
[1875]
July 18
No. 1592 Baptiste
Armstrong Pagan parents Deers Lake
Norway House
District 30 years
[1875]
July 18
No. 1594
Maggie Kwāskekāt um [Pagan parents] Wife of James Kwāskekātum Cross lake 35 years
[1875]
July 18
No. 1595
Charlott
Chomohopacoos [Pagan parents] Formerly wife of John
Chomoha-
pacoos but has been put away. John Scots Lake N.H. Dist. 55 years
[1875]
July 18
No. 1596
Betsy James and Maggie Kwāskekātum
Cross Lake 7 years
[1875]
July 18
No. 1597
Elizabeth James and Maggie Cross Lake 5 years
[1875]
July 18
No. 1598
Mary James and Maggie Kwāskekātum Cross Lake 3 years
[1875]
July 18
No. 1599
Jane John Scott and Nancy Kesiastāokanum John Scots Lake N.H. Dist. 1 year
[1875]
July 18
No. 1600
James John and Mary (This is the wife he intends to keep and be married to) Chomohapokoos [John Scots Lake N.H. Dist.] 7 months
[1875]
July 18
No. 1602
Abel Frazer Isaac
And
Mary Kesiastāokanum John Scot’s Lake N.W. Dist. [the same was crossed out in this space and the re-entered. Comment:
crossed out by mistake J.H.R.] 6 months

      Parents’ Name            

When
Baptized Child’s
Name Son
or
Daughter Christian Surname Abode Age
When
Baptized
[1875]
August 22
No. 1613 James Evans.
A noted Conjuror who has long resisted the Christian religion_ Indian name Chomohapākoos, He chose to be named after Rev. James Evans as he thought with pleasure on the earnest conversation had with him many years ago. [John Scots crossed out]
Split Lake.
Norway House
District 66 years
[1875]
August 22
No. 1615 William Morwick John Scots Lake 8 years
[1875]
September
26
No. 1622 George John Scots Lake 12 years
[1875]
September
26
No. 1623 Thomas [Kawāskinepi nāskum He had been leading a praying life about 1 year.
Is lame. John Scots Lake 22 years
[1875]
October 1
No. 1624 Mary Wife of Donald William Sinclair Ross John Scots Lake 65 years
[1875]
December
5
No. 1628
George Joseph and Mary Ann Mallett

[“Adopted by
George Garrioch by agreement before the childs birth”] Jack River 13 days
Rossville Methodist Register of Marriages at about the time of the signing of Treaty Five:
Date Names Married? Occupation Details
1875
Rossville
No. 306
July 12 Charles Frederick Machekānape [20]
[Cross lake]
Charlott McKoy [18]
[Rossville] Bachelor/ Spinster Hunter At Rossville
Banns Minister: John H. Ruttan
Both made marks
1875
No. 315
September
27th John Fisher [33]
[Oxford House]
Henrietta Nepanās [22]
[John Scots Lake] Bachelor/ Spinster Hunter Banns at Rossville
Both made marks Ministers: Rev. Orrin and John H. Ruttan
1875
Rossville
316
October 1 Donald William
Sinclair Ross [70]
Mary Ross [65]
[both: John Scots
Lake]
Hunter “After living together about 40 odd years and having a large family lately being baptised are now married ”. [Parsonage at Rossville] Minister:
John H. Ruttan

[both made mark]

Sep 25 1 Ta-pas-ta-num or
D.W. S. Ross,
Chief 1 1 1 1 1 5
[Sep 25] 2 Paa-sah-[pan]-nookoo 1 1 2 Drawn by the Chief
[Sep 25] 3 Isaac Ta-pas-ta-num 1 1 1 3
[Sep 25] 4 Proud McKay Councillor 1 1 2 1 5
Treaty Annuity Pay List: [note that some annuities were drawn by other people, and therefore it is likely those people who did not draw their own annuity were absent]

Indian Treaty Pay Sheet, Treaty No. 5
Cross Lake Band
Ta-pas-ta-num or Donald William Sinclair Ross Chief
Letter J
Sept 25th 1875 [120-121]
1
Government of Canada Records at the Archives of Manitoba, C-7135, RG10, Vol. 9351, folios 120-121.

[Sep 25] 5 George Garrioch do [Councillor] 1 1 1 3
[Sep 25] 6 Wee-chuchoo – ha- cas 1 2 3 2 8 Grand
Children
[Sep 25] 7 Mas-qua 1 1 1 3
[Sep 25] 8 Blacksmith 1 1
[Sep 25] 9 Ap-ce-ne-nish 1 1 orphan
[Sep 25] 10 Noah 1 1 orphan
[Sep 25] 11 Kee-cee-kas-ta-ohkee-nam 1 2 3 4 10
[Sep 25] 12 John Scatch 1 1 1 1 3 Drawn by
his father
[Sep 25] 13 Quas-kin-wes- keenam 1 1 1 1 4 Mother
[Sep 25] 14 Ques-kin-nee –pinwes-cum 1 1 7
[Sep 25] 15 Ka-kee-kay-nookee-soo 1 3
[Sep 25] 16 Kaa-nee-hah-peanow 2
[Sep 25] 17 Tea-wa-hah-pe-koo 2 2 2 7
[Sep 25] 18 Pah-paa-moo-tahoh-kee-mah 1 1 1 3 Drawn by No
17 (his father)
[Sep 25] 19 Magnus 1 1 2 [Drawn by No 17 (his father)]
[Sep 25] 20 Mee-chaw 1 1 1 3
[Sep 25] 21 Thomas Ques-keenoo-kea-caw 1 2 3
[Sep 25] 22 Pah-kwab 1 2 2 5 10
[Sep 25] 23 Kah-wee-[cha]qua-mah 1 1 1 2 5
[Sep 25] 24 Ques-kah-kee-tem 1 1 3 5
[Sep 25] 25 Baptiste Kah-neetah-way 1 1 2
[Sep 25] 26 Elijah John Scott 1 1 1 2 5

[Sep 25] 27 Oh-nee-peen-nash 1 1 4 3 9
[Sep 25] 28 Way-see-poo-way-
sis 1 *1 2 *Brother
[Sep 25] 29 Nah-[y]akl-wa-skum 1 1 1 3
[Sep 25] 30 Kee-quau-oh-otway 1 1 1 3 Widow &
children
[Sep 25] 31 Mary Cook 1 1
Sep 25 32 Margaret Garrioch 1 1 Widow
[Sep 25] 33 Annie Ques-keenum 1 1
[Sep 25] 34 William Nee-kanash 1 1 2
[Sep 25] 35 Peter Nelson River 1 1
2
4 Drawn by
Rod Ross
H.B. Coy
[Sep 25] 36 John “ [Nelson River] 1
1 3 [Drawn by Rod Ross
H.B. Coy]
[Sep 25] 37 John Bruce 1 5 9 [Drawn by Rod Ross
H.B. Coy]
[Sep 25] 38 Robert Frog 2 2 5 10 [Drawn by Rod Ross
H.B. Coy]
[Sep 25] 39 Andrew Oke-wayte-no-kay 1 2 2 5 [Drawn by Rod Ross
H.B. Coy]
[Sep 25] 40 James do [Okeway-te-no-kay] 1 1 [Drawn by Rod Ross
H.B. Coy]
[Sep 25] 40 John do [Okeway-te-no-kay] 1 1 [Drawn by Rod Ross
H.B. Coy]
Indian Treaty Pay Sheet, Treaty No. 5
Cross Lake Band
Ta-pas-ta-num or Donald William Sinclair Ross Chief
Letter J
August 14th 1876 [285-285] 2

August 14 1 Ta-pas-ta-num or
D.W. S. Ross,
Chief 1 1 1 1 1 5
[August 14] 2 Paa-sah-[pan]-nookoo 1 1 2 Drawn by Chief
[August 14] 3 Isaac Ta-pas-tanum 1 1 1 3 [Drawn by Chief]
[August 14] 4 Proud McKay “Councillor” 1 1 2 2 6
[August 14] 5 George Garrioch Do [Councillor] 1 1 1 3
[August 14] 6 Wee-chuck-koo- ha- ces 1 3 2 8 Drawn by Chief
[August 14] 7 Mas-qua 3 [Drawn by Chief]
[August 14] 8 Blacksmith 1
[August 14] 9 Ap-ce-ne-nish 1 1
[August 14] 10 Noah Drawn by Chief
[August 14] 11 Kee-cee-kas-ta-ohkee-nam 1 2 3 5 11
[August 14] 12 John Scatch 1 1 1 3
[August 14] 13 Ques-kin-wes-keenam 1 1 1 1 4 Drawn by Chief
[August 14] 14 Ques-kun-nee–pinwes-cum] 1 1 4 1 7
[August 14] 15 Ka-kee-kay-nookee-soo 1 1 1 3
[August 14] 16 Kaa-nee-hah-peenow 1 1 2 Drawn by Chief
[August 14] 17 Tu-ma-hah-peekoos 1 2 2 2 7 Drawn by Mr R. Ross
[August 14] 18 Pah-paa-moo-tahoh-kee-mah 1 1 1 3
2
Government of Canada records at Archives of Manitoba, C-7135, RG10, Vol. 9351.

[August 14] 19 Magnus 1 1 2
[August 14] 20 Mee-chaw 1 1 1 1 4
[August 14] 21 Thomas Ques-keenoo-kee-san 1 1 2 4
[August 14] 22 Pah-kwab 1 2 2 5 10
[August 14] 23 Kah-wee-cha-quanmah 1 1 1 2 5
[August 14] 24 Ques-kah-kee-tem 1 1 3 5
[August 14] 25 Baptiste Kah-neetah-way 1 1 2 Drawn by wife
[August 14] 26 Elijah John Scott 1 1 1 2 5 [Drawn by wife]
[August 14] 27 Oh-nee-peen-nash 1 1 4 3 9 Drawn by Mr R Ross
[August 14] 28 Way-see-poo-way-
sis 1
1 2 Drawn by
Sister
[August 14] 29 Nah-yah-wa-skam 1 3 Drawn by Chief
[August 14] 30 Kee-quan-oh-otway
1 3 widow
[Drawn by
Chief]
[August 14] 31 Mary Cook 1
[August 14] 32 Margaret Garrioch 1 1
[August 14] 33 Annie Ques-keenum 1 1 Drawn by Mr R. Ross
August 14 34 William Nee-hanash 1 1 2
[August 14] 35 Peter Nelson River 1 1 2 4
[August 14] 36 John Nelson River 1 1 1 1 4
[August 14] 37 John Bruce 1 1 5 7 Drawn by Mr R. Ross changed to Norway
House Band
[August 14] 38 Robert Frog 1 2 1 6 10
[August 14] 39 Andrew Oke-wayte-no-kay 1 2 2 5 Drawn by Mr R. Ross
[August 14] 40 James Oke-way-teno-kay 1 1 1 3
[August 14] 41 John Oke-way-teno-kay 1 1

      Following were not on 1875 list                               

[August 14] 42 Sallie 1 1
[August 14] 43 Baptiste Garrioch 1 2 1 1 5
[August 14] 44 Joseph Ques-keequa-pow 1 2 2 5
[August 14] 45 Mary 1 2 3 Widow